The Charlotte News

Friday, May 2, 1958

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that General Thomas White, Air Force chief of staff, speaking before the House Armed Services Committee this date, had unreservedly expressed support for the President's defense reorganization bill, contrary to General Randolph Pate, commandant of the Marine Corps, who had been the service witness most outspoken against it in his testimony of the previous day. When Representative Overton Brooks of Louisiana had asked for suggestions on a substitute bill, General White said that he had none, indicating that he recognized that the Committee believed that some provisions ought be set forth in greater detail, but that he would not quarrel over language, provided the objectives were accomplished. It was a restatement of what the President and Secretary of Defense Neil McElroy had been saying. He said that he supported the President's concept that separate ground, sea and air warfare were gone forever and that peacetime preparation and organization had to conform to that fact, that it was essential that the combat forces be organized into unified commands and that the strategic and tactical planning be completely unified. He stated that reorganization of the Defense Department to provide better management was "essential to the security of our country."

In Bogotá, Colombia, firing had broken out in the center of the city during the morning, scattering pedestrians who dashed for cover in doorways. The downtown area was deserted until mid-morning when police had permitted Government workers and cable company employees to reach their offices. Only one radio station was on the air and it had appeared to be occupied by police. The dispatch reporting the matter was incomplete and had not explained the reason for the shooting, but it may have been connected with the presidential election to be held the following Sunday. There was an uprising in the town of San Gil on Wednesday by supporters of former dictator Gustave Rojas Pinilla, whose followers were opposed to the united front of Liberals and Conservatives supporting former President Alberto Lleras Camargo in the election. That uprising had quickly been suppressed. The Rojas forces were supporting Jorge Leyva, a right-winger. The previous day, the Government had reported an armed uprising among rural residents in the northern state of Boyaca, attributed to tension over the presidential election. The two traditional parties, the Liberal and Conservative, had agreed on the liberal Lleras Camargo as their joint candidate in an attempt to bring an end to Colombia's ceaseless political feuds. His selection as the joint candidate was part of the parties' agreement to divide elective offices and rotate the presidency between Liberals and Conservatives during a 16-year truce. The parties had been forced into the same camp when Sr. Rojas had seized the Government and become dictator. He had been overthrown a year earlier and had been living in exile in Spain. Only a few days earlier, he was reported to have arrived in Jamaica, only a few hours' flying time from Colombia. The country was presently ruled by a military junta comprised of five generals headed by Maj. General Gabriel Paris, the junta having promised free elections.

In Algiers, French ground and air units this date were reported wiping out remnants of a rebel force in eastern Algeria after what military headquarters had described as the rebellion's biggest battle.

In Moscow, it was reported that Egyptian Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser had conferred with Premier Nikita Khrushchev privately this date at the latter's summer home in the suburbs of Moscow.

In London, the Government had decided to wipe out a huge waiting list for anti-polio injections by using American Salk vaccine without retesting it in Britain.

In Singapore, survivors of a British tanker, sunk by unidentified bombers, had said this date that the raid had spread flame and destruction over the Indonesian oil port of Balikpapen.

In Durant, Okla., it was reported that more than seven inches of rain had fallen in the town overnight, causing flash flooding which had forced the evacuation of 400 persons on the south and east edges of the town. One man was missing after his car been washed off the highway four miles south of the town when a small creek had suddenly overflowed. The Highway Patrol said that the man and his brother had been in the car, that both had managed to get out and that the brother of the deceased had been able to cling to a tree 50 yards from the highway until rescued, while his brother had been washed away. A truck driver from Paris, Tex., had been rescued in another location when high waters had stalled his truck, forcing him to stand on top of the cab with water up to his armpits until he was rescued by a service station attendant. It had rained from late afternoon until dawn, the Weather Bureau having officially recorded the amount at 5.37 inches, but the Highway Department having reported more than seven inches in its rain gauge.

In St. Louis, police were searching for a six-year old girl who had disappeared on Wednesday night from her home in a slum district where a two-year old girl had been raped two weeks earlier. The missing girl had been described as too much of a mommy's girl to have run away, with her father, a welder, saying that somebody must have carried her away. A 15-year old boy reported that he had seen a slender, dark-haired man talking to the girl in front of her third-floor flat shortly before her disappearance in the early evening. She had been kept home from school on Wednesday because of a slight throat infection. The girl's mother had discovered her missing when she was awakened by noise in a hallway adjoining the girl's bedroom and had gone to investigate. The apartment was eight blocks from the home of the two-year old girl who had been raped on April 20. Police were also checking a report that a child resembling the missing girl had been seen in East St. Louis, Ill., just across the Mississippi River, a woman indicating that a motorist who had asked her for directions had acted funny and pulled away when she asked about a girl in his car. She had obtained the car's license number but officers said that she was not certain of the licensing state. The girl's father had ridden in police patrol cars until the wee hours of the morning this date searching for the girl before retiring, weary and worried.

In New York, police had swooped down on a Chinatown gift shop operated by a woman and her husband, finding on a shelf with the other store items, in an oversized tea can draped with jade beading made to look like just another gift, heroin worth 1.5 million dollars in the illicit market. The police arrested the man and wife, the latter having been such a beauty that she had been given a screen test in Hollywood before the couple had opened the gift shop.

Also in New York, a young furniture salesman had been charged this date with stealing and peddling a number of rare documents from a closely guarded room of the public library, with a value listed at about $2,500 for the items.

In San Francisco, a man received a court appearance he had been promised by a Federal judge after being deported to Finland by U.S. immigration agents two weeks earlier. (That was when the Federal Government respected the law and the courts and obeyed it without question, not needing, like a bunch of spoiled juveniles, to save face by whipping up ham sandwiches over which to indict a person to justify caving to an order of the Supreme Court.)

The case in question, incidentally, Heikkila v. Barber, decided the following July 1, while holding that because the time for appeal had expired, there was no contempt in deporting the plaintiff to Finland in violation of a restraining order not to deport him, the Court, instructive for present times, stated the following:

"A word of caution: I do not condone [Defendant INS district director] Barber's action. On the contrary, it is my feeling that his conduct was nauseous and futile. The deportation of Heikkila was at the best or at the worst an abortive thing. Whether he was acting on his own or under the guidance of his superior is a debatable question. A more patent example of official bad judgment is difficult to conjure. Were his seizure of Heikkila not fraught with so much peril to the rest of us, it would border on the ludicrous.

"In our scheme of law, the rights of man are unalienable. They come from the Creator. They do not come from a President, a Legislature or a Court, much less the Director of Immigration.

"Barber's conduct 'shocks the conscience'. It does more than 'offend some fastidious squeamishness or private sentimentalism.'

"The spirit, if not the letter of our laws has always guarded against authoritarian methods. Barber's conduct in this matter, however conscientiously pursued, clearly falls below those standards. It derives from an attitude that is inimical, if experience is any guide, to the most enduring interests of the law.

"But as a Judge I must rule according to the law regardless of my own personal feelings upon such moral issues as may be involved in any particular case."

The Plaintiff would die in May, 1960 before the case could be heard before the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, and the appeal was therefore dismissed as moot. In a subsequent attempt by his estate to pursue a claim on the matter, the Court of Appeals held in 1962 that the claim did not survive his death.

In Newark, N.J., an Eastern Air Lines plane had overshot the runway after landing in a ground fog at the airport this date, the plane having come to a halt in a soggy grass area and the 42 passengers and five crewmen walking away unhurt.

In San Francisco, a slight earth tremor had shaken the western part of the city shortly after 6:00 a.m. this date, with no damage reported.

In Paris, Yvonne Menard, the 28-year old star of the Folies Bergere, was reported to be recovering slowly this date from an apparent suicide attempt with a razor blade in her suburban apartment.

In New York, some 90 young Russians of the Moiseyev folk dance ensemble had learned a lot in three short weeks about how to get around the city and a few things about American life. Shopping had been a favorite activity and this date at the Claridge Hotel, where they were staying, there were many packages in evidence as groups returned from shopping sprees. They were learning of New York's public eating places by personal experience, many appearing to prefer cafeterias and automats where they could eat quickly and pick out what they wanted without needing the English language, which most of them could not speak. Highlights of their sightseeing had been attendance in a group at the musical "West Side Story" and a session with American folk dance experts Michael and Mary Herman at the Folk Dance House, doing square dances. They had varied opinions on what they had seen, one indicating that it was terribly noisy in New York and that he was unable to sleep well, another saying that American food tended to be bland to their taste, finding Russian dishes tastier and spicier. One girl said that the dancing in "West Side Story" was very interesting and very difficult, but for them too passionate, something to which they were not accustomed—somewhere, a place for them, without Officer Krupke examining their papers. They were all enthusiastic about the musical. Many of them, particularly those with some rank in the troupe, tended to stress continually "peace and friendship" in their talk with Americans, partly because they believed in peace and friendship and partly because those were the official Soviet slogans. The members seemed to be able to go about New York freely without supervision whenever they had free time, almost always in small groups, with most of their outings remaining close to the hotel since they were already familiar with that district and preferred to remain on foot rather than getting involved with taxi drivers who did not speak Russian, spending a lot of time looking in store windows. They were not particularly communicative about their ideas on things American, with there obviously being a general policy not to comment in detail on their impressions. But they were intensely curious about New York and America, and America was obviously having an impact on them.

In Abilene, Tex., a first lieutenant said that he had a strong urge to leave a fellow officer who was unconscious and without a parachute, as he was about to bail out of what he thought was a doomed B-47 jet bomber over the Texas Panhandle during the week. He did not jump, however, and the Air Force had decorated him with the Distinguished Flying Cross for staying with the officer and landing the airplane. The plane had been flying at 30,000 feet over Dalhart, Tex., on Monday night when an explosion shook it, fire enveloping the right wing. The pilot and the navigator had bailed out through the nose escape hatch. The pilot had blasted off the top canopy but his ejection seat and that of the first lieutenant had failed. The man whom he saved, a navigator instructor who was in the nose, apparently had been knocked unconscious by the force of the explosion. Both men suffered frostbite and wind burns to their eyes. The first lieutenant said in an interview that he thought about throwing the other man from the plane but was unable to find his parachute. He returned to his own seat because he thought the pilot's seat had ejected, and made up his mind to return the plane to the base. Once he was able to extinguish the fire, he decided there was not much reason to bail out, did not feel any fear because he was just numb. He estimated the temperature to be minus 30 to 40 degrees centigrade and that the wind whipped through the cabin at 400 mph. He said that he thought that the wind had taken his eyelids and peeled them back, as they stayed wide open as he was seeing a big blur. The other man had in the meantime revived and succeeded in turning on the plane's landing lights as they approached the base. He said that he just flew the plane to the ground, which was all he could do, and had never made a better landing in his life.

In Racine, Wisc., North Carolina Governor Luther Hodges told a meeting of the local Chamber of Commerce the previous night that things were on the move toward a favorable industrial climate in his state, and he believed that there was too much talk of recession and too little work to get things done. He said that within the previous two years, 156 locally owned and sponsored manufacturing concerns had been initiated in North Carolina, in addition to a record number of firms which had moved into the state. He said it was a trend accelerating rapidly, particularly within the area of food processing and packaging, with much of the progress having come during the previous few months. He and his entourage planned to leave by plane this date for Raleigh following an industry-seeking trip to Chicago. He described it as a good will mission to tell the North Carolina story of economic growth and opportunity, and not to raid other states for industry.

In San Francisco, it was reported that evangelist Billy Graham was to address San Francisco's Commonwealth Club this date on man's moral and spiritual responsibility in the present age. This night he would open the sixth session of the San Francisco Crusade, which had attracted 77,500 people thus far to the Cow Palace. Governor Frank Clement of Tennessee was expected to arrive on Saturday with a delegation from his state. At a meeting dedicated to youth, 989 had made "decisions for Christ" the previous night, with Reverend Graham indicating that it was the largest group ever to step forward in the first week of any of his crusades which he had been leading since 1949. Of the 16,500 in the capacity crowd, he estimated that half were under 25 years of age and that a third were teenagers. He said that half of those making "decisions" had been teenagers. He was scheduled to speak to 1,400 persons at a Lutheran youth rally at the Cow Palace on Saturday afternoon.

In Long Beach, Calif., the fifth annual Rattlesnake Hunt of the Grace Wiley Reptile Club of Long Beach would be held May 10. The ground rules were that minors had to be accompanied by their parents, that people should bring their own lunch, wear boots and carry the highly recommended Wyeth serum and cutter suction cups. They would hunt in the Silverado Canyon in Orange County, with prizes for the heaviest rattler, largest number of rattlesnakes caught, the one with the most rattles and the best homemade snake stick. At the bottom of the announcement sheet was the credit: "Printed through the courtesy of Sheelar-McFayden Mortuary, Long Beach."

On the editorial page, "Local Precincts Are Full of Fossils" indicates that thoroughgoing teachers pointed out that citizens who participated in party politics had a much greater input about the choice of officeholders than citizens who merely chose between party nominees, that sometimes, in filling vacant offices, they had the entire input. Mecklenburg County had a state senator and North Carolina had a U.S. Senator, at this time, not chosen by the voters, but by a few citizens active in party politics.

It finds the party system to be a fine system when it worked, but in the interests of fuller education of youth, it might be a good idea to convene a few civics classes to observe the gulf between the principles of American democracy they learned in the classroom and its practice. It suggests that all indications were that students would see the fossil remains of a political party rather than a display of popular interest by their parents in the most basic workings of the system which governed them. Civic enthusiasm for political matters in Mecklenburg County was roughly equivalent to that engendered by a Tom Thumb wedding.

It acknowledges that its estimate of the turnout at precinct meetings could be wrong, but it is willing to wager that the adults of the county would rather their children be limited to studying the principles of party politics than to have them see for themselves how poorly the adults acted on those principles.

"Charlotte Can Be Proud of Its Complex" indicates that the much-maligned "Sputnik Complex" had not only alerted the rank-and-file Americans to the problems of education in general but education in many particulars as well.

The piece thinks it not so bad, as it was another indication that Americans occasionally had to be shocked into awareness. It finds it gratifying that civic groups in Charlotte could get so upset about one of education's particular woes that it was moved to petition for a national remedy. The plight of teachers had attracted the attention during the week of the education committee of Charlotte's Chamber of Commerce, strongly endorsing pending legislation in both houses of Congress to grant special tax relief to teachers. The bills had been introduced by Senators Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota and Edward Thye of Minnesota, and Representatives Cecil King of California and Thomas Jenkins of Ohio, permitting teachers who itemized expenses to deduct the cost of further professional growth from their taxable income. The bill sought to provide more equitable tax treatment for teachers in elementary schools, high schools and colleges, private as well as public. The amount of the deduction would be limited to $600 for any single taxable year, representing such costs as tuition for summer and evening school, books, supplies and the excess costs of living away from home.

The purpose of the legislation, it suggests, was laudable, with the bills encouraging teachers to further their education and thus become more competent and valuable to the educational system as a whole. It finds that anything which improved the basic conditions which made teaching attractive helped U.S. education, and anything which helped education helped Americans. It thus hopes that the "Sputnik Complex", if it had affected the 36 members of the Chamber's education committee, would be catching.

"The Antelope Lobby Has Company" indicates that Congressional overseers of financial affairs in Washington were seeking to show political piety recently, having just administered the coup de grace to a proposed half-million dollar appropriation for a new antelope house at the National Zoological Park. Members of the joint fiscal affairs subcommittee had graciously allowed that they could not return home defending an expenditure for housing animals when they were under so much public pressure to do something about schools and other human facilities.

It finds that it showed a fine sense of values, but that since Congress was so excited about doing something for humans, it wonders where the school appropriations were.

It suggests that zoologists might be interested in knowing that when it came to Federal aid, being human was no better than being an animal, as the nation's schoolchildren were in the same category as antelopes, "and it isn't Noah's Ark. It's the Good Ship Out-Of-Luck."

"Under the Parasol, a Pretty Queen" quotes both the New York Times and the Baltimore Evening Sun as bragging on the way those cities looked in the spring. It indicates that while its office's view of Charlotte had only a small scope, being blocked on one side by the Wachovia tower and on the other by the First Presbyterian spire, it desires to record that Charlotte was fair and wonderful to behold in the season. "Even if there are few downtown flower boxes and the crop of local politicos is mostly devoid of young sprouts, and even if the Queen seems to be ensconced permanently under a parasol."

The city was nevertheless "festooned with flowers, carpeted with grass and sheltered coolly by small forests of trees." It suggests that it was the place to be in May and that one did not need a picture window to see it.

A piece from the Asheville Citizen-Times, titled "Do You Snore?" indicates that if the reader had a sleep-mate who snored, the person could take comfort in knowing that there were 21 million similarly situated persons, figured conservatively, an estimate made by Dr. Noah Fabricant, a Chicago otolaryngologist writing in Today's Health.

The doctor had said that snorers snored "due to vibrations in the soft palate and other structures of the throat in response to inflowing and outflowing air. Vibration occurs when the soft tissues of the mouth and throat come close to the lining of the throat." He added that "snoring can be compared to the noise made when a breeze causes a flag to flutter on a pole."

He had also advised that there was treatment for the condition, which might include treatment for allergies or infections blocking the nose, or various forms of surgery to correct deformities, or removal of tonsils, adenoids or polyps.

It suggests that the next time a companion snorer exasperated the reader to the point where the desire was to yell "Cut it out!" the reader could back up the admonition with a prepaid gift certificate redeemable at the nearest operating room.

Drew Pearson indicates that the situation inside the Justice Department regarding political favoritism in law enforcement had caused some worried huddles by Department officials, plus some talk in Congress of an investigation. Senator Albert Gore of Tennessee and Congressman Jack Brooks of Texas had already addressed inquiries to the new Attorney General, William Rogers, regarding his failure to prosecute Republicans. Mr. Rogers and Vice-President Nixon were reported to have held several earlier conversations on the case of Congressman Adam Clayton Powell of New York, who had hurriedly switched to President Eisenhower in 1956 after he had found himself under income tax investigation.

The grand jury probing Mr. Powell was stymied for 14 months by the Justice Department despite the fact that the U.S. assistant attorney had sought to push the case, finally resigning. Members of the Senate Judiciary Committee had compiled a list of cases where the Justice Department during the Eisenhower Administration had appeared to evade, and in some cases, deliberately dismissed, prosecution of Republicans, and it might become the basis of an important investigation into whether the Department had become the political arm of the Administration.

One of the cases was the Galveston grain scandal, in which the Department had indicted an official of the Bunge Corp., an Argentine firm, for stealing U.S. Government grain and replacing it with hog feed on the Galveston docks. Governor Allan Shivers of Texas had flown to Washington and taken lunch with the President, after which the case against the official of the corporation had been dropped.

Another such case was that of Superior Oil Co., in which lobbyists for the company had sought to bribe Senator Francis Case of South Dakota with $2,500 to get him to vote for the natural gas deregulation bill, both of the lobbyists having been given suspended sentences, while the person who had put up the money, Howard Keck, head of Superior Oil, had never been prosecuted, after he had donated $5,000 to the Eisenhower campaign dinner during the natural gas fight.

A third case involved AT&T, in which the Justice Department had brought an antitrust case during the Truman Administration, after which Attorney General Herbert Brownell during the Eisenhower Administration had huddled secretly with the attorney for AT&T, during which he was obsequious in trying to compromise the case, the case thereafter being settled out of court on terms considered favorable to AT&T.

A fourth case was that of Edward Foote, second in command in the Antitrust Division of the Department and one of the Justice Department officials who had bent over backwards to please AT&T. Later, Mr. Foote was caught with a conflict of interest in that he had bought stock in Warren Petroleum at the time he had to pass on its merger with Gulf Oil, quietly being allowed to resign after Congress became aware of the deal. He had never been prosecuted.

A fifth such matter was the FCC scandal, after Comptroller General Joseph Campbell had ruled that FCC commissioners had violated the law in collecting travel expenses from industry and then collecting from the taxpayers as well. Yet, there had been no prosecutions and only one resignation, that of former FCC commissioner Richard Mack.

The last matter which he references is that of RNC chairman Leonard Hall, in which a Congressional committee had received sworn evidence that the latter had required a political donation from a company before it received a Government contract, in violation of the corrupt practices act. But the Justice Department had done nothing.

Walter Lippmann indicates that when people read about the recurrence of the dispute between President Tito in Yugoslavia and the Kremlin and the tension between Premier Wladyslaw Gomulka in Poland and the Kremlin, it was likely to be wrong if they were left to think of a pendulum which swung in one direction and then in the other, but only for a certain distance each way. For Yugoslavia and Poland would not and could not be brought under the complete domination of Russia, while on the other hand not likely to break away completely from it.

In shaping policy, the U.S. had to realize that under present conditions, Poland and Yugoslavia would not, even if they could, break away completely from Russia, as they were "the captives", not only of the Red Army, but of the fear of a reunited Germany armed with nuclear weapons and backed by the U.S.

Their real attitude, barring an explosion of the type which had occurred in Hungary in the fall, 1956, was to think of the West as a protector against Russia and of Russia as a protector against Germany. They wanted as much national independence from the Kremlin as they could achieve within a guarantee by Russia that Germany would not be able to dominate Eastern Europe.

U.S. propaganda and policy could be effective only as they took into account the basic fact that Poland and Yugoslavia at least, with the other satellites perhaps less so, unavoidably reacting between the Russians on one side, and the Germans and the Americans on the other. For the U.S. to preach liberation and ignore that underlying reality was either insincere and demagogic or playing ignorantly with fire. As things were at present, the last thing any sane person wanted to see was an open rebellion in Eastern Europe. For the rebellion would be crushed by the Soviets because the rebellion could not be supported by NATO without precipitating world war three.

The U.S. could do nothing, as it was doing at present, letting events take their course and losing gradually the influence it possessed, or it could put its mind on the problems of forming a policy designed to achieve mutual guarantees, replacing the competitive guarantees between NATO and the Warsaw Pact. But if the U.S. could not solve them at present, the least it could do was not to make them more insoluble, which they would become if the U.S. rejected out of hand and refused to discuss the Polish proposal, known as the Rapacki Plan, for nuclear disarmament in the two Germanies, Poland and Czechoslovakia.

If the U.S. accepted nuclear disarmament in that area, it would mean the withdrawal of the British and U.S. armies from West Germany and of the Red Army from East Germany and Eastern Europe. The day had passed when ground forces armed only with conventional weaponry could operate in a major theater, and therefore the U.S. had to face the basic question of whether it would accept or oppose a policy of military disengagement in Europe.

Mr. Lippmann indicates that his view was that the U.S., though not yet in its policy, should adopt the principle of disengagement, making it known that when a mutual security system could be worked out between East and West, the U.S. would be in favor of the withdrawal in phases over a period of years of the non-European forces from the Continent. It would mark a great change in U.S. European policies, but he believes that a change would be effected for the better by restoring to the Western allies the political initiative. He says he did not mean that the U.S. should propose disengagement because it had reason to think that the Russians would find it awkward to oppose it, that a better and more respectable reason was that the time was inevitably to come when the foreign armies would have to leave Europe. The U.S. did not have to be stupid and soft in negotiation, but ought identify itself with the future and to stand again, as it had in better days, with those who had the courage to hope and believe.

He concludes that it could not be the best the U.S. could offer Europe and the world that the foreign armies of occupation which had arrived during World War II would remain indefinitely, armed with ever more deadly weapons.

Doris Fleeson indicates that anything which the President said about the Vice-President was news, even if the President only reaffirmed an existing condition, as he had done at the current week's press conference on Wednesday. He had said that he had no responsibility to groom a successor, that it was up to the party which "has a lot of darned good men." It was consistent with the President's political attitudes from the time of his first nomination in 1952. He handled his own political interests with great skill and had shown no disposition to handle the political interests of others or of his party beyond the normal ceremony.

The President had stressed during the week that he was giving his Vice-President access to large areas of inside governmental information because it was his duty to do so, but he left open the question of actually training Mr. Nixon to be an executive.

The Vice-President had legislative experience but no executive experience. He was sensitive to that absence in his record and very much wanted an executive post within the Administration, preferably dealing with foreign affairs, another area where he had great information but no responsibility for decision-making.

Secretary of State Dulles had managed to veto any such prospect and the President had not only accepted the Secretary's view, that it would be an unconstitutional delegation of power, but had also stated it publicly.

President Roosevelt had made such a delegation of power to Vice-President Henry Wallace during World War II by naming the latter chairman of the Board of Economic Warfare. But Mr. Dulles apparently remembered the troubles which his uncle, Secretary of State Robert Lansing, had during the Wilson Administration when President Wilson had inserted Col. House into the channel between the White House and the State Department.

The President had strongly denied that he would resign the Presidency or cease to perform its duties as long as he was physically able to do so, appearing to feel that he was being charged with plotting with Mr. Nixon to step down so that the latter could enjoy the advantages of incumbency in the lead-up to the 1960 nomination and election.

Democrats did not think that the President had such a plan or would make one on his own, expecting the same pressures exerted on the President in 1956 by Republicans, fearful of defeat, would be exerted again on behalf of the Nixon incumbency and for the same reason. The President had yielded in 1956 despite his 1955 heart attack and surgery in spring, 1956 for ileitis, after saying candidly that he could not be as vigorous as he had been earlier.

Ms. Fleeson suggests that perhaps the opposition party was guilty of cynical asperity in suggesting that such pressures would again succeed, but Democrats were honest in their belief that the Republicans would be badly beaten in the midterm elections during the fall and would be even more desperately seeking new sources of strength in 1960.

In 1952, when Republicans had nominated General Eisenhower, they had 25 governors and held most of the pivotal states, while at present, they had only 19 governors and had lost even farm-belt states, the political realities, with little time remaining to reverse that trend.

A letter writer from Salisbury indicates that one of the greatest needs of the country at present was moral education, that the churches had satisfied emotions but had charge of parishioners for too short a time to develop morals, which thus had to be developed in partnership between the home, the school and the church.

It might be noted that with all the ballyhoo in subsequent years about "restoring prayer in the schools", notwithstanding the fact that in public schools, at any rate, it violates the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment, forbidding the Government from establishing a religion, that during the 1950's, commonly believed to have been a calm, sweet, innocent decade of quiet and "family values", it is quite evident by reading any daily newspaper of the period worth its print that nothing of the type was the case, that there was plenty of horrible criminal conduct, especially juvenile criminal conduct, of the worst sort, notwithstanding all the prayerful exhortations to conduct oneself appropriately as a young boy or girl, to follow the strait and narrow. Prayer in the schools during that era obviously had nothing to do with it, indeed, may have even precipitated rebellion in some, by enforcing through informal sanctions little boys and girls to recite daily prayers, whether they believed in them or not. Religion is a purely personal choice, and a private one.

Those who wear religion on their sleeves, such as the current Speaker of the House and many of his fellow Republican Representatives, lend credence to the Biblical admonition to be wary of same, as they are inevitably, invariably the most hypocritical of them all, hardly embracing any Christian values, seeking to supplant those values with self-promotion for the sake of attracting gullible voters usually of the same stripe, following a totemic religion of emotion rather than a system of integrated beliefs.

It does not smack of anything to do with Christian values to manhandle a United States Senator merely trying to ask the cold, kooky Homeland Security Secretary a simple question regarding the policy of deportation of immigrants without due process, to throw that Senator to the floor and handcuff him. Instead, it smacks of what the Romans did to Jesus when he had the audacity to storm the temple and upset the tables of the money-changers.

A letter writer indicates that several weeks earlier, he and his wife had as their weekend guests friends from Brussels, in the U.S. as tourists, with a highlight of their tour of Charlotte having been their visit to the Charlotte Coliseum and Ovens Auditorium. They had visited on a Sunday afternoon when there were no events occurring. The writer expresses his gratitude to a merchant patrolman on duty at the Coliseum and Auditorium, as he had taken them on a complete tour of the two buildings, impressing their friends, while giving unselfishly of his time by unlocking the Auditorium and showing them every detail of the structure.

He may now be fired for having potentially compromised security and opened the way for bombers to find weaknesses in the structure, for who knows whether the visitors from Belgium might actually be undercover Commies. Maybe they did something which would cause the roof tiles to fly off during the thunderstorm the following month. You can't trust those foreigners. They're all Commies.

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