The Charlotte News

Tuesday, April 22, 1958

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Civil Aeronautics Board had discussed this date the problem of air space control, while at the same time in the Nevada desert, the wreckage of an airliner had provided dramatic evidence of the problem. A United Air Lines DC-7, carrying 47 persons, had collided with an Air Force F-100 jet on an instrument training mission near Las Vegas the previous day at 20,000 feet in clear weather. Two men were in the F-100 and all aboard both planes had perished. On the airliner had been a number of prominent businessmen, plus an inventor whose creation had been designed to help prevent the very thing that had caused the crash. The airliner had been bound from Los Angeles to New York, and the F-100 was on a 1.5-hour mission out of Nellis Air Force Base near Las Vegas, with an instructor and a student pilot aboard, the latter sitting toward the rear under a hood, where he could fly the plane by instruments with no outside vision. The F-100 had been given permission by Nellis to make its descent on instruments. About two minutes later, the planes had collided. Just after the collision, Nellis picked up the aviator's distress call, "mayday". A frantic call had also been received from the airliner, indicating an imminent collision over Las Vegas. No more was heard from either craft. The commander at Nellis said that an investigation had revealed that one pilot of the F-100 had ejected, but apparently it was too low for the parachute to have opened. He said that investigation would determine whether the flights would now be stopped.

In Roanoke, Va., new Senator B. Everett Jordan of North Carolina, just appointed by Governor Luther Hodges to succeed deceased Senator Kerr Scott, said this date that he had no idea of going to Washington to keep a Senate seat warm for the Governor, that he was not going just for a short stay. He had been asked about newspaper criticism that the Governor had appointed him with the idea that he would step aside in the 1960 campaign and leave the way open for Governor Hodges to seek the Senate seat. He said that his current intention was to stay if he could. He also denied that there had been any deal made between him and Governor Hodges, and denied ever knowingly making a campaign contribution to a Republican candidate, indicating that he had never knowingly contributed to the late Wendell Willkie or any other Republican in his life, that he had probably given some money to a Democrat and he had probably used it to support Mr. Willkie, presumably in the 1940 presidential election against FDR. He was in Roanoke attending the annual convention of the National Hosiery Manufacturers Association. He said he believed it was absolutely wrong that he had been appointed by the Governor so that the Governor could run in 1960 for the Senate, saying that it had not been discussed at all with him and he did not think it had been considered by the Governor. As indicated, Senator Jordan would continue as Senator until being defeated in the Democratic primary in 1972 by Congressman Nick Galifianakis, who was then defeated in the general election by Jesse Helms, the first Republican elected to the Senate from the state since the turn of the century. Governor Hodges, unable to run again for the state at the time not permitting more than one elected gubernatorial term, the Governor having served longer at that point than anyone else as Governor for the fact of his succession in November, 1954 at the death of Governor William B. Umstead, would be appointed by President Kennedy to be Secretary of Commerce in 1961, in which capacity he would serve for four years, through the end of the remainder term served by President Johnson before starting his own elected term in 1965. (Incidentally, to get from here to here is 15 years, and not quite four miles. Go figure...)

Vice-President Nixon had accepted an invitation to visit North Carolina in June, presently intending to be the honored guest at the annual Roan Mountain Rhododendron Festival on June 21. He would also visit Tennessee, as the Festival occurred on the border. He said that he would release his travel plans and details of the duration of the visit at a later time.

Secretary of Defense Neil McElroy argued this date that modern weapons and war techniques required the Pentagon organizational changes which had been proposed by the President.

The President believed that a Democratic-sponsored expansion of unemployment benefits would seriously jeopardize historic Federal-state relations, according to Republican Congressional leaders this date who had met with the President.

In Bangkok, Thailand, five nations of SEATO this date launched week-long war games aimed at repelling a simulated invasion of Thailand.

In Jakarta, Indonesia, the Sumatran rebel regime had fled from its mountain capital of Bukittinggi to the village of Batusangkar, 28 miles to the southeast, according to a Government Army spokesman this date.

In Accra, Ghana, the Conference of Independent African States had called on all colonial powers to set definite dates for granting independence to their African colonies.

In Pendleton, Ore., women and children had been removed from a housing development the previous night as floodwaters from a creek had swirled into the area.

In Knoxville, Tenn., a criminal court jury this date had convicted two Teamsters Union officials of shooting at two trucks driven by non-union drivers in 1955.

In Dana Point, Calif., it was reported that a ten-year old boy, his father and a deputy sheriff had died in a strange gun duel the previous night. Authorities said that the sheriff's office had received a telephone warning that a deranged man was driving a battered old school bus, converted to family travel, through the picturesque resort city and that he had threatened to harm his children. Two deputies had overtaken the bus and as they approached, the 39-year old carpenter of Tucson, Ariz., and his older son, 14, had opened fire from the bus, the father using a .22-caliber pistol and the son using a rifle. Spectators heard the man order his son to shoot anyone who tried to stop the bus and not to allow them to take them. A sheriff's lieutenant said that the bus had more than 30 bullet holes in it after the shooting ended, with the man and his youngest son, 10, having been killed almost instantly. The two deputies had fallen to the pavement wounded, and one of them had died before reaching a hospital. The other deputy and the 14-year old boy had been taken to a hospital, where attendants said that the boy's condition was critical and the deputy was expected to recover. The warning telephone call had come from the father's sister-in-law who lived in nearby San Juan Capistrano, where the family had stopped briefly, the man's wife having confided to her sister that she was concerned about her husband's mental condition.

In Dallas, Tex., two bandits wearing Ivy League clothes had forced some 20 women to strip at a reducing salon, before taking $150 the previous night. The manager complained that it had been awful, that they had walked in like they owned the place, herding two or three women ahead of them from the entrance hall. She said that one of the men told them that it was a holdup and started pushing everyone toward the back of the studio, hitting one female attendant in the face with a pistol. She said that the gunman had forced the women into a steam room, shut the door and had stood outside, ordering everyone to disrobe and throw out their clothing, had then ordered the manager, still dressed, to proceed to the front office and hand over all the cash. He had then marched her back to the steam room, opened the door and shoved her inside, then entered with her and made her take off her clothes. She said that all of the women had been sitting on benches without anything on and all of them had been scared to death. The gunman said he would kill the first woman who opened the door and told them to remain inside for 15 minutes, which they had done.

In Richmond, Va., Federal judges from throughout the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals had gathered this date to attend memorial services for the late Judge John J. Parker, the chief judge of the Fourth Circuit for 27 years. Chief Justice Earl Warren was present at the ceremonies. Judge Parker had died on March 17 in a Washington hospital of a heart attack after serving on the Court of Appeals for 33 years.

In Albemarle, N.C., a Baltimore man had survived being impaled on a two-by-six bridge railing in a predawn automobile accident. Rescuers had to remove the railing to take the man to a local hospital, where he was reported in serious condition. A Highway Patrolman investigating the accident said that the man's car had gone out of control as he rounded an "S" curve.

John Borchert of The News reports that the eighth annual Evangelism Conference of the Southern Presbyterian Church would begin the following day in Charlotte, preceding the official opening of the 98th General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, U.S. on Thursday night at Covenant Presbyterian Church. The piece is accompanied by the schedule for the conferences.

John Kilgo of The News reports that the 33-year old mother of the three-year old boy who had died early on Sunday in a local motel room which he shared with his mother and her boyfriend, had been escorted from the county jail by police to Belmont to attend her son's funeral. Both she and her boyfriend were being held without bail pending a coroner's inquest scheduled for Friday. When interviewed by a News reporter this date, she said that the boy had always been a sick baby, but had seemed all right on Saturday morning. She indicated that the doctor had taken him to the hospital when he was only two weeks old and given him up for dead. She did not know what his trouble was, but that he was sick a lot. On Saturday morning, however, he had not been sneezing or coughing and she did not know that he was sick. He had drunk some milk, was still feeding on a bottle, and would not take much of anything else, would not sometimes even take the bottle. She told reporters she did not remember anything about the motel, not even checking into the place, that the last thing she remembered was that she was drinking with her husband on Saturday morning and that her boyfriend had some Red Devils in his pocket, that she was foolish enough to take them until she was knocked out, did not even remember separating from her husband. When she came to, she was in jail. Police said that she was in such a condition on Sunday when they brought her into custody that they were not able to question her. She had three other children, ranging in age between four and 11. She said that she started taking barbiturates when she was in the hospital being treated for tuberculosis. She said they had to operate and remove seven of her ribs, which was when she had started taking the Red Devils. She said they were powerful, that two of them would knock "you right out of your senses". She said that she would not hurt a hair on any of her children's heads. She wondered how long it took to make an autopsy and believed that they should have finished their assessment by the present time. She said she had caused her family a lot of disgrace and was shaking inside and out, unable to eat or drink much of anything since her son's death.

In London, it was reported that retirement was a tough problem for a 68-year old man, wondering who of two wives with whom he should settle down. For 12 years, he had spent most of his spare time with one of the wives in Berkshire County, and every other weekend would visit the other wife in London. Upon retirement, he had suggested to the woman in Berkshire that he should spend alternate weeks with her and with his "sister" in London. But she would not hear of it. He decided to confess to both women, according to the prosecutor of the man on a charge of bigamy. He was freed on the equivalent of $140 bail awaiting trial. He said he would plead guilty.

On the editorial page, "Local Colleges Must Have Tax Support" indicates that ten years of desire and devotion had erected in Charlotte the foundations of an institution which could make Mecklenburg County a center of higher education for its own youth and those of the entire Piedmont area. To be determined in a day was whether Charlotte College would become that center or have its rich potential rejected by the community which it had served so well. On Saturday, there would be a vote on the question of making county-wide the two-cent tax presently levied by the City for support of Charlotte and Carver Colleges.

Approval of the county-wide levy would place Charlotte College in a position to qualify for state aid for construction of its own facilities on its own campus. That in turn would be a step toward establishment of a four-year, state-supported college to serve an area which had the fewest colleges in the state.

Rejection of the levy would not leave things as they were, with the colleges carrying on faithfully without the facilities they needed and without offering the full scope of opportunities for higher education which the community needed. Such a vote would eliminate the state operating funds which figured largely in the colleges' present programs, and thus it was a question of whether the colleges would advance or retreat.

It indicates that the county needed improved community colleges for the benefit of its children, its industry, its art, for the future economic and cultural development of the area. The state needed them to meet the growing numbers of college students who would swamp present institutions within a decade. The state's offer to meet the county halfway and pay for improvements was as good an educational bargain as the county had ever received and was likely better than it would in the future. Thus, in their own best interest, residents of the county ought vote in the affirmative on Saturday for the tax levy for community colleges.

"Secrecy Is Great for Job Security" indicates that 89 percent of 155 members of Congress responding to a poll conducted by Congressional Quarterly had said that they thought that secrecy regarding money spent by members on overseas junkets ought be lifted.

It ventures that it would not be, however, as secrecy, even on such a relatively unimportant matter, was so politically comfortable. The Administration's mania for secrecy had been so widely publicized that Congress would not wish to draw attention to its own secrecy. If Congress let the voters know how much was being spent on overseas trips, they might begin wondering why one-third of all Congressional committee hearings at the previous session had been held in secrecy. The voters would then wish Congress to lift its secrecy regarding correspondence with Federal regulatory agencies, such as the FCC.

One Senator said that disclosure of the expenses for junkets would deter members from traveling, to the detriment of the national interest.

It finds security to be the watchword in Washington at present, not just national security or political security, but job security for the politicians and bureaucrats ensconced behind the paper curtain.

"Night Has a Voice in the Spring" indicates that night had talked to the writer when he was a boy, "in the warm, damp darkness", whispering one night as he lay in bed, rustling the curtains in his room and coming close over his head, causing him to pull the covers over himself out of fear. But it had then said not to be afraid and he saw the moonlight through the covers and listened.

It had talked to him in the city and in the country, as well as to the animals. "I heard it talking one night and I slipped out of bed and crept to the window and looked out. And it was talking to the animals and a dog whined, a low, quiet kind of whine and answered it. It had said hello and to be warm again, and that everything would be different in the morning, fresh, green and dewy."

The voice talked to everyone, but you had to listen to hear it.

A piece from the Richmond Times-Dispatch, titled "Jo Doakes in the U.S. Senate", indicates that whenever it got worried whether national legislators were attending to important affairs of state during the current perilous times, it turned to the Congressional Record for assurance.

It offers as example a recent demonstration by Senator Robert Kerr of Oklahoma regarding the billboard regulation proposal, in which the Senator exhibited sample signs to show the size of signs which would be permitted under the bill, one sign advertising a mythical Jo Doake's service station.

Senator Francis Case of South Dakota had asked whether the sign was real or just made up for illustration purposes, to which Senator Kerr responded that all of the signs were samples. Senator Case said that he assumed that the size of the signs and their shape had been selected by the person who made them, to which Senator Kerr said that they were. Senator Case then asked whether that person had taken care in the spelling of the name of Jo Doake's. Senator Kerr said if there had been an error in the spelling, he had to take responsibility for it. Senator Case asked whether the garage in question was being operated by a man or a woman, and Senator Kerr again responded that he had to take responsibility for any error. Senator Case said that he would not wish to place any responsibility on Senator Kerr, saying that he thought perhaps that the "e" had been misplaced in the name. Senator Kerr then asked for unanimous consent that the "e" in "Doakes" be transferred so as to become a part of the name "Jo".

At that point, Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota objected, but when recognized, withdrew his objection. Senator Thomas Kuchel of California also objected, and Senator Kerr said that another objection was heard, but not the same one.

It again reiterates that there was nothing quite like the reassurance one got from reading the Congressional Record.

Drew Pearson indicates that the heat was on the Justice Department for another big compromise in an antitrust case, involving the price of gas to millions of people. Secret huddles had been taking place in the Department to stop a grand jury presently meeting in Milwaukee considering criminal indictments against the big three which supplied gas to Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin, Michigan and Minnesota. Four of the largest law firms in the country represented the gas companies, Sullivan and Cromwell, the former firm of Secretary of State Dulles, the Thomas Dewey law firm in New York, Sidley, Austin, Burgess and Smith of Chicago, and Cravath, Swaine and Moore of New York. The case had come up for prosecution twice previously and was suddenly called off. On one occasion, the Justice Department's Antitrust Division had issued a press release regarding its intention to file a bill of complaint on July 8, 1957 in the U.S. District Court in Milwaukee, and suddenly the press release had been withdrawn and the complaint held back.

The case was against the American Natural Gas Co., Peoples Gas Light and Coke, represented by the Dewey law firm, and Northern Natural Gas, all under investigation for conspiring to prevent Tennessee Gas Transmission from supplying gas to the north central states from a pipeline linking Canada with Texas. The president of Northern Natural Gas, who was the brother of the President's assistant director of the budget, and who had run for mayor of Chicago, had an appointment with Assistant Attorney General Victor Hansen the previous day to try to stop the action. He predicts, however, that new Attorney General William Rogers would not yield to the pressure of the big utilities.

The President had gotten on the telephone with Congressional leaders in a last-minute attempt to block the highway bill before it was sent to the White House for his reluctant signature. Before the final House vote, the President had phoned Illinois Congressman and Republican Whip Les Arends and urged him to send the bill back to the Public Works Committee for further study, explaining that while he wanted better highways, he did not want them financed out of current cash, believing that a highway fund ought be raised first by taxing tires and gasoline. He also did not like the Democratic plan to require the states to pay only one-third of the highway cost, preferring a 50-50 arrangement. Mr. Arends promised to sidetrack the bill if possible and hastily put through a call to Congressman Harry McGregor, the top Republican on the Public Works Committee, who had gone home to Ohio ahead of the Easter vacation, asking Mr. McGregor to return to Washington to help maneuver the highway bill back into committee. After returning, Mr. McGregor had also received a phone call from the President. Chief of staff Sherman Adams had phoned and asked him to remain in his office for a half hour to await the call from the President. The President then repeated the same arguments he had made to Mr. Arends against the Democratic highway bill. In the end, however, the Democrats pushed through their bill and the President had reluctantly signed it. He notes that it had been Secretary of Commerce Sinclair Weeks who had persuaded the President to intervene personally and attempt to block the bill. He had been opposed to the financing provisions and the ban against billboards, and under his prompting, the President had told Congressional leaders privately that he would never again sign a bill requiring the states to raise only one-third of the revenue.

Vice-President Nixon's private comments about U.S. foreign policy were almost as critical as the public comments of Democrats. Mr. Nixon admitted that the U.S. had slipped in world leadership, blaming it on Secretary of State Dulles, complaining that Mr. Dulles lacked imagination, was unwilling to take bold diplomatic gambles. He claimed that the Secretary might be more willing to meet Russia halfway now that Harold Stassen was no longer the disarmament negotiator. Mr. Dulles had disliked Mr. Stassen so intensely, according to Mr. Nixon, that the Secretary had opposed Mr. Stassen's ideas for purely personal reasons.

The Vice-President believed that the main Communist threat at present was aimed at undermining the neutral nations and Latin America. He blamed the Indonesian revolt on political immaturity and declared privately that Indonesia was not fit for self-government. After listening to Mr. Nixon's conclusions about the countries he had visited, experts described his reactions as those of a "superficial sightseer".

The Vice-President was so confident of a summit meeting with the Russians that he was holding up his personal plans for a trip abroad.

Joseph Alsop indicates that the best choice of an individual who typified the Republican Party at present was Senator William Knowland of California. During the weekend, the Senator had flown across the country to appear in Fresno at a meeting of the California leaders of Big Labor to discuss the two bills which the AFL-CIO heads disliked the most, the right-to-work measure and Senator John McClellan's new labor reform bill, discussing the benefits of both.

His defiantly tenacious adherence to established Republican attitudes made him the new "Mr. Republican", a title once held by the late Senator Robert Taft of Ohio. In a troubled year with the threat of joblessness on the minds of most workers, another candidate might have been inclined to de-emphasize the right-to-work bill. But Senator Knowland pointed out that Senator Taft had harangued Ohio labor leaders after he pushed through Taft-Hartley over the veto of President Truman in 1947. Thus, Senator Knowland plunged onward in a campaign he had begun a year earlier. He believed that he would get a fair percentage of the labor vote and said he would work for it, anyway.

The President was not the great Republican asset he had once been, and no known Republican candidate was making his main pitch in the current midterm election year on the basis that he was completely behind the President, with a few Republicans, notably in the Midwest farm states, running against the President and above all against his farm policy. But nothing of that type was expected from Senator Knowland, whose party loyalty was as solid as his large physical frame.

The President's recent veto of the pump-priming Rivers and Harbors measure, which had included 29 California projects, estimated to cost just under 200 million dollars, would hurt the chances of Senator Knowland to win the governorship in November and current Governor Goodwin Knight's chances to succeed Senator Knowland as Senator. Development and control of water resources were about the hottest issues in California at present by Senator Knowland's own admission.

The Senator had said that his visit to the White House to plead against the veto had not been made on a personal basis and that he had just explained the viewpoint of Congress, also stating that he believed the people of California would remember his 25-year record on water resources and that the veto would not hurt him.

The same tone existed in his discussion of the recession, admitting that the Administration was "taking a bit of a gamble" to adopt a wait-and-see policy regarding the lagging economy. The Senator was forecasting an upturn in autumn.

When he had been asked whether it was true that the Republicans could not carry crucial Los Angeles County with unemployment at 7 percent or above, as was the case at present, he replied that he did not necessarily agree, that he believed the people would believe by fall that the country was moving ahead again, but that if the economic picture became much worse, it would be "pretty rough".

After the adjournment of the session in late summer, he planned a 90-day campaign for the governorship, expecting to make six speeches per day for three continuous months. He recalled the other times when he had run against the odds, beginning with his first election campaign in 1932, when he received an 1,100-vote majority in a State Assembly District which FDR had simultaneously carried by 6,000 votes.

The Senator was tireless and firmly convinced that every Republican campaigner was doing the Lord's work, and he liked a fight. He stated that he thought he would win.

In the end, he would be defeated by State Attorney General Pat Brown. Governor Knight would also lose to Congressman Clair Engle for the Senate seat.

Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, says that he was not panicked about the popularity of films, television programs and lethal toys which accentuated blood-thirstiness in children. Things such as "Teenaged Frankensteins" and rubber knives which squirted a red substance resembling blood were not much worse, he suggests, than the old-time nursery tales. The average American child was glutted on gore from the first day he was able to listen or see the nursery rhymes. Catastrophe dominated tender youth. Grimm and Hans Christian Andersen had spread more bloodshed than Mickey Spillane.

He says that he had come along in the early days of actor Lon Chaney, and somewhat later had come Boris Karloff and Bela Lugosi. "It was, I recall, deliciously thrilling, and I savored every second of it. To me, a werewolf was more agreeable than a cocker spaniel, and if the local drugstore had served a witches'-wort cocktail, chances are I would have had a go at it. But I was never really a deadly-nightshade boy. That was for the squares."

Gunfire had made a fortune for the late Zane Grey, who had immortalized the compulsive gunslinger in numerous books, all of which he had read. During the 1930's, the gangster was a hero and seemed to be returning as an art form in movies with James Cagney, Paul Muni and Edward G. Robinson.

He finds that William Shakespeare was one of the bloodiest writers he had ever encountered, "a real creep, especially in that Macbeth and Hamlet bit, when he wasn't writing dirty sonnets on the side. If there'd been men's rooms in those days, old Will would have been right in there pitching with his chalk."

He indicates that Henry VIII may have been less than socially desirable as played by Charles Laughton, not so much for his penchant for cutting off his wives' heads as for his deplorable table manners. Robin Hood was a common bandit, Friar Tuck a drunken brawler, and Young Lochinvar could not have made a Mann Act "rap for that 'fleet steeds that follow' shot when he nipped off with the broad."

He says that there was nothing to do about reforming children through the mind, that two female children had accompanied him in an elevator recently and one said to the other: "How many earthworms did you step on today: I got 38." The other had replied that she got 39. He shuddered. "This is why we have wars, and a firm foot on gory literature is not likely to prevent them."

A letter writer responds to a letter written by one of the two persons denouncing the Charlotte police for having received a speeding citation when he was certain he was going below the speed limit as he had known that two officers were following him. She says that in her many years of living in the city, she had never needed the services of the police until the prior December, and that they had been quick and efficient, as well as gentle. They had been so kind to her and her children that she could never repay them, and in the weeks of court trial, they had gone out of their way to make them comfortable. She believed that the officers were underpaid for the hours they were required to work and wonders whether the letter writer realized that the hours they had to spend in court were without pay. She believed that the majority of the officers were fine people.

A letter writer says that recently she had spent a week in Memorial Hospital following an operation and that the city was blessed with good nurses, nurses' aides and doctors, as well as churches and other things which ought be appreciated more. She says that all that was needed for happiness was to live a Christian life and always be kind to people who were in trouble, if by doing nothing more than saying a prayer.

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