The Charlotte News
Monday, March 31, 1958
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that a new civil rights fight regarding funding for a six-member investigating Civil Rights Commission was shaping up this date as members of the House had pushed toward a ten-day Easter recess. Also on the calendar for the day was a bill to speed up Government purchase of up to 840 million dollars worth of supplies as an anti-recession move. House leaders hoped to get both proposals passed by nightfall to make way for consideration the following day of a 3.2 billion dollar Agriculture Department appropriation bill. The Easter vacation would begin at the end of the Thursday session and would end on April 14. The civil rights fight concerned an Appropriations Committee recommendation for $750,000 to finance for one year, beginning July 1, the Commission created by the 1957 Civil Rights Act. A tie vote of 17 votes in committee the prior Friday had blocked an attempt to cut the allotment to $600,000 before the bill would reach the full House. Southern Democrats were against providing any money for the Commission, the creation of which they had sought to prevent at the time of passage of the Act, appearing to be still championing that lost cause. The speed-up of the Government purchasing was in the form of a measure to allow civilian Government agencies to spend during the ensuing 90 days up to 840 million dollars to purchase equipment, supplies and material originally intended to have been purchased after the start of the coming fiscal year.
In Moscow, the Soviet Union had announced this date that it was halting all hydrogen and atomic weapons testing but said that it would be free to resume the testing if the West did not follow suit. A resolution introduced in the Supreme Soviet had asked the Cabinet to take steps to halt the testing, but set no date for the cessation. The anticipated announcement of the suspension had been made to a joint session of the Supreme Soviet by Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, after which there had been tremendous applause as he announced the decision of Premier Nikita Khrushchev and his new Cabinet. It was not clear how long the moratorium would last, but it was the impression of those who heard Mr. Gromyko's statement that it would begin at once. He said that the Soviets hoped that the U.S. and Britain would follow suit and that the Soviet Union considered itself free to end the suspension if the other powers did not join. He stated: "We realize that ending of tests does not avert the danger of war. When one side tests a series of bombs, the other side tries to catch up." He ridiculed U.S. claims to have produced clean bombs relatively free of radioactive fallout. He said in that regard: "They write about them touchingly but all this is simply to divert people from the main problem—a choice between peace and an atomic war. They do the same as did former President Truman, trying to justify the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. They are trying to make it seem that atom bombs are for the good of the people. But this conception is alien to the interests of peace and mankind. The opponents of banning tests fear that this will bring an end to the production of nuclear weapons. This is the strong point of the test ban. If the test ban turns out to be a cold shower for the hotheads in NATO, then that alone is a good point." Mr. Gromyko had recalled that the previous year, the Supreme Soviet had appealed for an immediate cessation of nuclear tests.
A statement from the State Department noted, in reaction to the Moscow statement, that the U.N. had recently approved overwhelmingly "a comprehensive first-stage disarmament proposal and called on the nations concerned to begin at once technical studies as to how these proposals might be carried out." The quick response to this date's announcement in Moscow had said: "The Soviet statement comes on the heels of an intensive series of secret Soviet tests." It added that the tests "should arouse world opinion to the need to deal in an orderly and dependable way with the testing and related aspects of the disarmament problem." The announcement in Moscow had been anticipated and the U.S. statement had obviously been prepared in advance except for some minor details. It said that Soviet official propaganda "incessantly seeks to create abroad the image of a peace-loving Soviet government."
The President this date had vetoed the farm price supports freeze bill, calling it "ill-advised from the standpoint both of the nation and of our farm families." In his veto message to Congress, he said: "With regard to government controls, what the farm economy needs is a thaw rather than a freeze." The veto came despite appeals from many Republicans in Congress that he sign the controversial bill. The President said that a five-point program ought be undertaken to deal with farm problems. Some sections of that program, embodied in his agricultural message to Congress the prior January, called for legislation.
In Texas City, Tex., a chemical plant explosion had killed three men the previous day, in the Gulf Coast port where 512 had died 11 years earlier in a series of ship explosions. On the present occasion, a two-story brick and steel building had blown up at the Union Carbide Chemicals Co. and its force had been felt 12 miles away in Galveston. The men who were killed had been working with 150 others whose shift had ended just 22 minutes after the early morning explosion. None of the others had been injured. State police estimated damage at about a million dollars.
In Plainfield, Wisc., 2,500
souvenir and bargain hunters had swarmed over the farm of slayer and
ghoul Ed Gein the previous day, buying anything offered in an auction
of his property. The 195-acre farm and a half dozen ramshackle
buildings had been sold to a real estate firm for $3,925. They said
they planned forestry plantings on the property, which had belonged
to the handyman who had admitted slaying two women and the plundering
of a dozen graves locally. Mr. Gein was in the State hospital for the
criminally insane. A Chicago man had paid a quarter for a rusty axe
head, and other items which had sold for cash included old chicken
crates, lumber and wagon wheels. A junk dealer had paid $215 for a
1940 pickup truck which Mr. Gein had reportedly used to carry the
bodies of the two women he had killed. The junk dealer said that he
would keep the truck as a souvenir. Mr. Gein's 1949 two-door Ford
sedan had been purchased for $740. (If you get the Blue Book on it, you might be able to make an even trade for that 1950 job missing its front grille out in Nebraska, a toothless beldam, without a target, saucy and overbold, nevertheless cutting as a serpent's tooth to the quick of the mossy stone's soul.) A damaged metal stool had been
sold for $14 and a rusty manure spreader had sold for $36. The old
farmhouse in which Mr. Gein had lived had burned to the ground early
in the month during the height of a controversy over holding the
auction on Palm Sunday. Authorities were still investigating the
possibility of arson in that fire. During the inspection day for the
auction, March 23, more than 20,000 persons had gone to the farm. The
bidding had lasted for about 1.5 hours, and the court-appointed
guardian for the estate said that he was satisfied with the sale. A
brief flurry of excitement had surged through the crowd when a mound
was found about 200 feet into the woods behind the ruins of the
house. Deputies policing the auction said that they blocked off the
area and that the mound would be opened later. Nothing inside a snow
fence which surrounded the charred ruins of the farmhouse had been
sold. Dang it all, we was hoping to get our hands on some charred
bone ash as a souvenir so's to charge admission to see and feel it. Where the place? Upon the heath
Dr. Ralph Sockman indicates that some years earlier he had sat one evening on the Mount of Olives looking across the city of Jerusalem and in his imagination could picture the royal personages who had once moved through the Holy City, thinking of King David's gallant figure as he fought for his beloved capital and dreamed of the designs for his temple, of King Solomon and the splendors of his reign which had stirred the hearts of the Jewish people ever since. His mind encompassed also the Crusaders who had come to rescue Jerusalem from the Moslem Turks in the name of the Christian kings of Europe and of the breach in the Jerusalem wall which had been made a generation earlier to permit the royal entrance of Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany. He also thought of World War I when British General Allenby had entered the conquered city on foot. He had come to the city on the first day of the week, which was now popularly called Palm Sunday, to pay homage to Jesus Christ. On the first Palm Sunday, the followers of Jesus had departed in the ensuing few days, as the first flakes of snow melt quickly on a wet sidewalk, and by Good Friday, the furor was over. But just a decade or two later, two missionaries, Paul and Silas, had arrived in their preaching tour to the town of Thessalonica in Greece, where for three Sabbaths, they had preached in the synagogues, trying to convince the people that Jesus was the Christ, finding many who believed. But the enemies of Paul had gathered a mob and made an uproar before the house of Jason, where Paul was staying, and they dragged Jason before the city officials charging that they had "turned the world upside down" and had done "contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another King, one Jesus." Dr. Sockman indicates that therefore for years after the first Palm Sunday, early Christians had been charged with disobeying Caesar because of claiming another King, one who would ultimately outlast the Caesars. He questions why countless congregations would sing, "Lead on, O King Eternal, the day of march has come", and why 600 million Christians hailed Christ as the Eternal King. He finds one answer to be found in the nature of Christ's rule. When brought before Pilate and asked whether he was King of the Jews, Jesus had replied, "My kingdom is not of this world, if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight." He also said to Pilate: "Thou sayest that I am a King. To this end was I born, and for this cause came I into the world, that I should bear witness unto the truth. Every one that is of the truth heareth my voice." Dr. Sockman finds that the principles which Christ had taught continued to prove their truth, that truth crushed to earth would rise again. He says that there were two ways of obtaining mastery over people, one, the quick way, being conquest by force, as Mussolini had done in Ethiopia and Japan had done in China in the 1930's, a method which did not last long as the subjects would inevitably rebel. The other way was through service, the way of Christ. He had said: "The Son of Man came not to be ministered unto but to minister." Christ had so served his following that they wanted to keep him as their ruler, which was why Christ had outlasted the Caesars and would outlast the Kremlin.
In Jerusalem, it was reported that Israelis and Syrians had battled with tanks and mortars on the Syrian border again this date, according to an Israeli Army spokesman.
In Moscow, it was reported that Premier Nikita Khrushchev this date had appointed former Premier Nikolai Bulganin as head of the Soviet State Bank and announced that most of Mr. Bulganin's old cabinet members and key executives had been retained.
In Havana, it was reported that the big pro-Government Cuban Confederation of Labor had threatened this date to blackball any workers who answered the call of rebel leader Fidel Castro for a general strike.
In Brownsville, Tex., five of 35 hunger-striking Cubans, who were rebel sympathizers, were in a hospital this date suffering from the effects of four days without food. The other 30 had again refused breakfast in the county jail.
In Paris, it was recorded that the Western Big Three this date had sent a note to Russia agreeing to a summit conference, provided diplomatic negotiations plus a foreign ministers meeting would first occur.
In Tokyo, it was reported that the upper house of the Japanese Parliament had approved this night a Government budget which was the equivalent to nearly 3.6 billion dollars, occurring a few hours before the beginning of the 1958 fiscal year, a budget which had been approved by the lower house on March 4.
In Seoul, South Korea, President Syngman Rhee's Government this date announced elections to be held May 2 for a new National Assembly, with candidates having until April 10 to file for one of the 233 seats.
Senator Harry F. Byrd of Virginia reported this date that the Federal civilian payroll had hit an all-time high in January at just over a billion dollars.
In Detroit, Ford and the UAW would go to bat this date in the second of the new and vital labor contract negotiations with the auto industry's "big three".
In Charlotte, Holy Week services would be held at St. Luke's Lutheran Church during the entire week, with "Meditations on the Words of Christ from the Cross" to be the subject of the evening services. Holy Communion would be held on Wednesday and Thursday.
Ann Sawyer of The News reports that County commissioner Sam McNinch this date had said he would not be a candidate for re-election upon completing his third two-year term. The Commission, on a roll call vote, had passed a resolution expressing regret that he would not seek re-election. His decision left the May 31 Democratic primary wide open.
Emery Wister of The News reports that a new textile plant, to provide employment for at least 250 persons, would open in the former Kendall Mill in Paw Creek, based on an announcement this date, with the purchaser of the plant and 20 acres of land surrounding it not identified, understood to be a new concern. Hiring for the labor was not expected to begin until the middle of June or the beginning of July. It was understood that the sales price for the property was $500,000. Many residents of the Paw Creek and Thomasboro communities had been without employment since the Kendall Mill had closed in August, 1956.
On the editorial page, "Where Will the Slum-Dwellers Go?" indicates that there were many obstacles left between ideas and action in the complex field of urban renewal, whether in New York City or in Charlotte. There was presently legislation before Congress which would reduce the Federal Government share of renewal costs from two-thirds to half.
City and County planners deserved high praise, however, for the energy and imagination they were expending to get things started around Charlotte. During the current month, a proposed City-County governmental center in the slum zone had been proposed. It finds much to be said for the idea as it would not only replace blight with beauty, but would also offer the opportunity to tie together many different governmental functions with a centralized, easily accessible facility. Federal, state and local agencies could all be part of the scheme. The largest rewards to the individual citizen would be the greater convenience offered.
It urges that in future urban renewal planning, more concern, however, should be exhibited for the welfare and sensibilities of slum dwellers, as a very small amount had been shown toward them in the past. There ought be concern over what was going to happen to them, whether they were merely to be evicted or whether new housing would be available for them and if so, where.
There was also the problem of the remainder of the city, as the community at large might regard the movement of such families to other neighborhoods as a serious threat and thus hamper the efforts at renewal, which would require families being relocated before demolition of their homes could begin. Those were phases of urban renewal which required as much careful and thoughtful planning as the location of beautiful buildings and architects' renderings. Urban renewal involved people as much as bricks and mortar. It thus hopes to hear something from the social planners about the people involved.
"How Andrew Mellon Sliced His Taxes" indicates that President Calvin Coolidge, while cleaning up the mess of his predecessor, Warren G. Harding, had paid no heed to complaints that members of the Tariff Commission were sitting on cases in which they or their relatives were known to have financial stakes. As Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., had recalled in his The Crisis of the Old Order, President Coolidge had asked who was the better qualified to sit in judgment in such cases than men equipped by special interest, with superior judgment and knowledge.
The Senate in 1952 had required former Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson to divest his special interests before bringing his judgment and knowledge to the Defense Department. The Eisenhower Administration had forced out several high officials who had been accused of conflicts of interest, with some guilty of serious improprieties. But compared to the activities of Andrew Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury under President Coolidge, they were nothing. The latter had received from the commissioner of Internal Revenue a communication which had begun: "Pursuant to your request for a memorandum setting forth the various ways by which an individual may legally avoid tax, I am pleased to submit the following…" The commissioner had sent to Mr. Mellon a tax expert from his agency to help the Secretary prepare his return, an expert who was so proficient in reducing Mr. Mellon's taxes that he was induced to leave Government service and enter the personal employment of Mr. Mellon.
Senator George Norris of Nebraska had accused Mr. Mellon of fostering a tax relief bill which would net him "a larger personal reduction than the aggregate of practically all the taxpayers in the state of Nebraska." But such attacks had little impact on the Administration which was shielded by the recognized personal honesty of President Coolidge.
In current times, the personal honesty of Presidents provided little defense for officials who, while remaining within the letter of the law, trampled on its spirit. Ethical standards had been lifted considerably, as evidenced by the departure of FCC commissioner Richard Mack recently in the wake of the Miami television channel case. But the fact that a man of Mr. Mack's ethical poverty was appointed and confirmed in the first place was also evidence that the standards of public service needed to be raised yet further.
"Mr. Gleave Didn't Use That Much Gas" indicates that a London butcher named Gleave had learned that it made sense to make machines toe the line, after he was surprised to receive a gas bill recently in the amount of a million pounds, distressing him as he had not used much gas. He took it up with certain officials and eventually it was taken before Parliament, where the Government, which owned the gas industry, was denounced and quite properly so. Parliament then forgot the matter and Mr. Gleave, who had not used that much gas, forgot the bill.
Ii indicates that it was still pondering the gall of the machine, not because it had billed the man for more gas than he used, but because Mr. Gleave had not used any gas at all.
A piece from the Christian Science Monitor, titled "Clothes Make the Artist(e)", indicates that it had been reading recently of a concert pianist of international reputation who not only practiced on her piano but on her wardrobe, wanting to make sure that her gown would make the right impression on the audience and so dressed formally for her final practice times and rehearsed the sweep of her skirt as conscientiously as she did the piece she intended to perform.
Generally, the clothes which women could wear on the stage were conducive to freer movement of hands and arms than the clothes they wore every day, but a male artist, who practiced in a sweatshirt, had to appear in evening clothes which "board him up like a bull fiddle crated for shipment."
All of it accounted for the reputation men had for playing the tragic and dramatic passages of music with more conviction than did women, as the men had "lived it".
Drew Pearson indicates that dramatic backstage hints had trickled from Moscow the previous week regarding the banning of future hydrogen bomb tests. First, there had been a cabled report from the U.S. Embassy in Moscow regarding a cocktail party at which Nikita Khrushchev had talked for an hour with the Swedish ambassador concerning disarmament, saying that Russia's new atomic tests had been so successful that it had enough atomic and hydrogen bombs to poison the entire earth and that Russia would thus cease all further testing. He was not drinking at the time. He had added that unilateral action by Russia in stopping hydrogen bomb tests would put the U.S. on trial before the world for proceeding with its tests in the spring in the mid-Pacific.
The Swedish ambassador was so impressed by the conversation that he had tipped off his fellow ambassadors and the U.S. Embassy cabled the conversation to Washington, which was why the President had hastily announced at his press conference a day afterward that the U.S. would invite foreign observers to view the Pacific hydrogen bomb tests, especially the U.S. "clean" bomb, which was not supposed to emit dangerous radioactive fallout. Emphasis on the clean bomb had been given to offset expected Russian emphasis on the poison spread from strontium 90, the most deadly emission from nuclear explosions.
Meanwhile, the U.S. Embassy in Moscow had continued to send cables to Washington, warning the State Department to be prepared for major news in Russia. It also reported another cocktail conversation in which Mr. Khrushchev had told the Canadian ambassador that all production of hydrogen bombs ought be stopped immediately. Both the U.S. and Russia, according to Mr. Khrushchev, would then have twice as many bombs as were necessary to kill all of the people on earth. When that information had been cabled to Washington by the U.S. Embassy, it inspired the State Department advisors to suggest to the President that he leave the door open for the ending of hydrogen bomb tests, even without banning hydrogen bomb production, which had been why the President had dropped the hint at the press conference.
All of the cables to Washington had placed the State Department and the White House in a state of diplomatic heebie-jeebies to see what peace move the Kremlin would make next. If Moscow were really to go through with the banning of all nuclear weapons tests, regardless of the U.S. position, it would be a big victory for some who had taken a lot of punishment in the past. Harold Stassen, former advisor on disarmament to the President, was one such person, for his having argued strenuously to the President and Secretary of State Dulles that the Russians would sign a disarmament pact, but had been fired for his pains and was now back in Pennsylvania.
Another such person had been Adlai Stevenson, who, during the 1956 presidential campaign, had urged the end of hydrogen bomb testing, pointing out that enough deadly poisonous strontium 90 was accumulating in the atmosphere to endanger the future health of the world, and that the U.S. ought lead the way in banning those tests. He had been promptly denounced by the President in a speech, saying that the proposal could "lead only to confusion at home and misunderstanding abroad." Vice-President Nixon had denounced Mr. Stevenson as proposing "catastrophic nonsense".
Stewart Alsop indicates that the drama in the Kremlin was continuous and that there was not much doubt that the stripping of former Premier Nikolai Bulganin had been prepared by a dramatic scene the previous June, when a majority of the Presidium had voted to strip Communist Party Secretary Nikita Khrushchev of all of his powers, at which point Mr. Bulganin had unwisely failed to support his old friend.
Mr. Bulganin had now followed the man who had saved him in the June crisis, Marshal Zhukov, into impotent obscurity, demonstrating how coolly Mr. Khrushchev played the game of Kremlin politics. The latter also had other motives for breaking up the team of "Bulge and Khrush", beyond merely demonstrating that disloyalty to Mr. Khrushchev was bad for political health. As chairman of the Soviet Council of Ministers, the latter would now at any future summit meeting have the standing of an official head of state, talking to other official heads of state. More important, Mr. Khrushchev's whole record suggested that he was a do-it-yourself man in government. As Communist Party Secretary, he had set down the Soviet policy line in every sphere of human activity. But the Soviets had shown much more respect for their own institutional forms since the death of Joseph Stalin in March, 1953. Actual execution of the Khrushchev policies had been the institutional responsibility of the Ministerial Council, previously headed by Mr. Bulganin. Now Mr. Khrushchev would take over that role and thereby take direct charge of the two large programs of internal reform on which he had gambled all of his political capital. The previous year, he had initiated his scheme of industrial reorganization and decentralization, one of the biggest changes of pattern ever attempted in any economy. During the current year, he had initiated his scheme to liquidate the so-called "machine tractor stations", which had always been the bastions of state control over the peasant population.
Bureaucratic opponents of the industrial reorganization scheme were the main troops in the Army, which V. M. Molotov, Georgi Malenkov and Lazar Kaganovich had led against Mr. Khrushchev the previous June. The scheme to abolish the tractor stations, sell the farm machinery to the collective farms and grant a considerable measure of local freedom to the countryside, was even more risky than the previous scheme. All the Western experts had once believed that it was politically impossible for any Soviet Government.
The discontent aroused by Mr. Khrushchev's agricultural reform program among the more rigid party theorists had been made obvious in recent weeks, when the Soviets had been holding their strange mockery of an election. Michail Suslov, the undoubted leader of the rigid Stalinist school of thought within the party, had conspicuously omitted from his speeches any of the customary loud applause, either for Mr. Khrushchev or for his plans for agriculture.
It was thus natural that Mr. Khrushchev wanted to take personal charge of the execution of those reform programs, which could easily produce another political crisis like that of the previous June. Mr. Alsop suggests that it might even be urgent for Mr. Khrushchev to do so, for though he now had the powers which Stalin had once possessed, he was not Stalin, and the Soviet Union which he now ruled was not a fearing slave state as under Stalin. Mr. Khrushchev's enemies might be impotent at present, but as former Ambassador to the Soviet Union George Kennan had remarked, "There are just too damned many people who've been left un-murdered." He meant that there were too many people in high office, such as Mr. Suslov, and out of high office who had great personal followings, such as Messrs. Malenkov, Zhukov, and Molotov, who could gang up on Mr. Khrushchev if the opportunity were to arise. A major failure in the agricultural program or the industrial program or in foreign affairs could produce such a result. "And Khrushchev, a great man for doubling his bets, has now added immensely to his already immense burden of responsibility, in order to try to make sure there is no failure."
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, indicates that the mother of his "four boys" had just written a book. He called them his boys because, despite having their own father, they appeared to spend much of their time with him in the summer when their father brought his boat to the little Spanish fishing village in which he was presently living at times. The mother of the four boys was Betty Lussier, and her book was titled Amid My Alien Corn, published by Lippincott, and dealt with the raising of the four boys in Larache, in Spanish Morocco, as she ran a farm at the same time.
He thinks it a very good book and that to associate with the four "demons" required toughness. Ms. Lussier had been raised on the Eastern Shore of Maryland after being born in Canada, had flown for the RAF as a ferry pilot and had worked in the underground in France, had one child on a golf course, another in a garden, without assistance, and a couple more or less formally. In running the ranch in Morocco, she had to combat both Arabs and Spaniards. She had reformed the natives of the local village and fought everyone to a draw. She had match-raced with Arab sheiks, caught the mumps and arranged romances, sat up with the dead, and many other things. She had dealt with bulldozers and interior decoration, as well as her husband, who was generally elsewhere while the fuss and fury was taking place.
She was Ava Gardner's nearest neighbor and best friend in Spain and knew the Duke and Duchess of Windsor and Stavros Niarchos, grew a nice stand of hybrid corn and also placed Mr. Ruark's records back in their correct jackets so that he could not find anything.
She liked to write, and, he asserts, anyone in their right mind knew that writing was a horrible chore done only for economic necessity. But not Ms. Lussier, who wrote for fun, which he contends was an infringement on copyright.
He had first met the couple in Tangier just after the war when they had about $200 between them and were sort of looking over their shoulders. The next time he had seen them was in Abercrombie and Fitch in New York, and so he had concluded that things had been looking up.
Within the ensuing six months or so, he would take the husband and two of the sons to Africa, where he would also write his own book, to be called "Among My Alien Children", and he hopes he could write it as well as Ms. Lussier had written hers.
A letter from J. R. Cherry, Jr., indicates that when an Indian spokesman had been asked recently why Indian Prime Minister Nehru concentrated on lambasting the U.S., the spokesman had replied: "Because Americans are accustomed to being criticized and attacked. The Russians are not." He regards it as a "stupid, irrational, and unethical statement" not worthy or consistent with the newspaper's editorial contention on March 15 that it was in the best interests of the U.S. to provide India with the economic and technical assistance, because, he believes, India's anti-American and anti-Western record was well-documented. "Consistently the two-faced Nehru has either abstained from voting or sided with Russia and the Communist crowd on most major matters before the United Nations. Of particular significance is the fact that he declined to join in the condemnation of Russia for the latter's slaughter over a year ago of thousands of Hungarian patriots who endeavored to throw off the Red yoke." He finds Mr. Nehru to be a "moral coward", yet having the gall to beg for American economic assistance to support India's "cancerous socialist economy". He finds the newspaper wrong when it imagined India to be "neutral" or "uncommitted" to either the U.S. or Soviet ideologies. He says that Communists dominated the legislature of Kerala, a state of 13.5 million people, and predicts that Communism would eventually poison more of India. He favors no further American aid going to it until it began to live up to true democracy.
A letter from the district superintendent of the Church of the Nazarene thanks the newspaper for its excellent coverage given to the Church in its 50th anniversary year. He finds that the newspaper had been fair in its understanding, interpretation and presentation of the Church in its articles.
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