The Charlotte News

Tuesday, March 11, 1958

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Secretary of Labor James Mitchell had reported this date that unemployment had reached 5.2 million in mid-February, up about 700,000 from January. He indicated that a tax-cut would be the "next big step" toward halting the recession. He had announced the number in a speech to an AFL-CIO economic conference this date, calling for Government action to boost the sagging economy, while cautioning against "ill-advised action". He said that it was too easy to recommend "broad and far-reaching money spending" which would not provide jobs which were needed at present, and that the program had to fit the need and be designed with the need clearly in mind. He said that if the business downturn proved more stubborn than anticipated, an administrative recommendation for a tax-cut would be made, and that it would be a major and substantial cut in personal and business taxes. He said it was ready for immediate use as an additional stimulus to the economy and would be put forward if necessary. He found that preferable to massive new public works spending because it placed the money in the hands of consumers and investors. He echoed comments made the previous day by Vice-President Nixon, preferring tax reduction to massive public works spending. He had followed George Meany, president of the AFL-CIO, in speaking to the conference, with Mr. Meany having accused both Republicans and Democrats of playing politics and acting too slowly to counter the business recession. He demanded a quick tax-cut, increased unemployment benefits, more defense spending and more money for public works. Secretary Mitchell had disclosed that the President had been invited to attend the conference but had apparently declined, saying that he assured them that he would continue to propose to Congress "such steps as can contribute effectively to the health of the economy and the welfare of our people."

The President and Republican Congressional leaders this date discussed the possibilities of an anti-recession tax-cut, with there being indications that the Administration was prepared to propose a tax reduction under certain conditions. The willingness to turn to a tax reduction appeared to be conditioned on failure of the nation's economy to respond shortly to less dramatic stimuli.

In New York, negotiators for dress manufacturers and 105,000 striking garment workers had reached an agreement this date on a new three-year contract, following the first major walkout in 25 years starting the prior Wednesday. David Dubinsky, president of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, said that no one would return to work prior to the following morning. Picketing would continue until the union received word of employer ratification, expected this night. Union shop stewards had voted this date on the agreement. Return of the workers in a seven-state area would permit a start on the movement of dresses for the remaining pre-Easter season. Those dresses would bear a union label, according to Mr. Dubinsky, but would cost more because of higher wages, according to the manufacturers. The increased labor cost was estimated at 75 million dollars over the term of the contract. You will not be able to afford any Easter dresses at 75 million.

In Dayton, O., five Air Force men would climb into a permanently grounded aircraft cabin the following morning and would live together for five days under conditions similar to those in a flight through space.

In Havana, it was reported that rebel leader Fidel Castro had rejected this date a church-backed proposal to end his guerrilla war. He instead vowed to fight to the finish to oust El Presidente Fulgencio Batista.

In Manila, it was reported that Pakistan had rocked the opening session of SEATO foreign ministers this date with a sharp demand for more economic aid to counter tantalizing Communist offers.

In Geneva, it was reported that the U.S. this date had flatly rejected a Russian demand regarding the law of the sea to make the prohibition of nuclear weapons tests on the open ocean a principle of international law.

In Cairo, the pro-Western Umma Party had won a large margin over its nearest rivals in the Sudanese parliamentary elections, but had fallen 15 seats short of a majority in the 170-seat chamber.

In Cherry Point, N.C., the Marine Base public information office had announced this date that a search for two pilots missing since March 3 while on a training mission had ended without success.

In Peoria, Ill., the Peoria Journal Star had published morning editions for the first time in more than two months this date after settling a strike by the American Newspaper Guild and four mechanical unions.

In Kansas City, Mo., it was reported that a 17-year old boy was in fair condition in the hospital after six hours of surgery from a deep stab wound in his lower left side inflicted by a 15-year old boy with a knife given to him by his mother for times when he got into a scuffle at his high school. He was currently being held at the county parental home, without charges. One teacher said that he was quarrelsome and acted like a six-year old. He had been transferred from another high school three weeks earlier, primarily to get him away from the crowd with whom he had been running. His old high school had been one of the principal trouble spots in a recent outbreak of rowdyism in the Kansas City schools. His mother said that her son had taken her to a store and shown her knives and said that people who did not have them might get beaten up. So he she had bought one for him for his protection, as he promised he would not pull it out in school. She said he was the only kid they had and hoped that he would try to be something. The knife had a four-inch blade which slipped inside the steel handle, and the user pressed a button and flipped the wrist to get the blade to click into place. It was supposed to have been a German paratrooper's knife and cost six dollars. The boy said that the trouble at his new high school had started the prior Friday when he accidentally had bumped into the boy he eventually had knifed, who was two inches taller than he but was 100 pounds lighter, that the boy had followed him and told him he would whip him if he did not apologize. He had told the other boy that if he wanted to fight, he would not fight him in school. The previous day at noon in a basement corridor, the 15-year old boy had passed by a line of pupils waiting at the cafeteria and on that occasion, the other boy had bumped into him. He had told him to lay off, but the other boy said, "Now you're getting tough, huh?" He then said he could call it that if he wanted to. The other boy then pulled a wrist watch from his arm, handed it to another boy and struck him in the mouth with his fist, hitting him several times and knocking him against the lockers. The boy had then reached in his left front pocket for his knife. He said he did not remember trying to stab the other boy, that he may have gotten stabbed as he attempted to hit him. Police had questioned two other boys in the corridor crowd and they had told substantially the same story. Intelligence tests had rated the 15-year old among the upper quarter of his class at his old school and the vice-principal there said he had not been in any fights. He had been searched twice on the basis of reports that he carried a knife. The boy said he was transferred because he had been talking in classes and did not do his homework, not applying himself. The principal of the new high school said that neither of the boys had been discipline problems.

In Raleigh, it was reported that three guards at Central Prison had been fired for allegedly having been involved in a plot by five prisoners to escape, according to W. F. Bailey, the State Prisons director. The guards had been fired on Monday after the warden had conferred with Mr. Bailey. The latter said that a rumor had been heard sometime earlier of an escape planned before Christmas, an escape which never materialized. There had then been reports that an escape would be tried the prior Sunday, with the men going through a service tunnel and fleeing in a car which was to be parked outside the walls. The guard who was supposed to be on duty in the tower at that time had been taken off duty and Raleigh police called to help guard the reported escape location. The attempt had not been made. Mr. Bailey said that two of the three guards who were fired had admitted being in on the planning for the December escape but had not admitted being aware of the plan for the prior Sunday. The five prisoners were now in segregation cells. One of the guards said that he had been promised $15,000 to arrange an escape and had been driven to Georgia to pick up the money, which had not been forthcoming. One of the five prisoners planning the escape had been imprisoned in 1938 under a death sentence for rape, his sentence having been commuted later to life imprisonment and a second time to between 40 and 50 years. Another of the prisoners had been sentenced in 1956 to between 10 and 15 years for kidnaping, with another having been sentenced for robbery, larceny and auto theft, to between 38 and 47 years, a fourth having been sentenced to between five and eight years for breaking and entering and larceny, and the fifth sentenced in 1956 to between seven and ten years for attempted rape.

Bill Hughes of The News reports from Sanford on the trial of Frank Wetzel for murder of Highway Patrolman J. T. Brown the prior November 5, having already been convicted of the murder the same night of another Highway Patrolman, Wister Reece, indicating that an FBI ballistics expert had testified this date that a .45-caliber bullet had killed Patrolman Brown. He said that he had used the patrolman's clothing to determine the size of the slug. A doctor had previously identified the bloody clothing taken from the patrolman's body shortly after the shooting. The State maintained that Mr. Wetzel had used a .44-caliber Magnum pistol to shoot both patrolmen. The case was expected to go to the jury either late the following day or on Thursday. A cigarette butt and two car bumpers had been introduced as the State attempted to fill gaps left in its case, with those exhibits tending to verify testimony of the hitchhiker who had identified Mr. Wetzel as the slayer of Patrolman Reece about an hour before the murder of Patrolman Brown. He had testified that the killer had backed into the patrol car before leaving the scene of the first shooting. The car bumpers had not been introduced at the first trial. The State was expected to maintain that dents on the bumpers matched. The hitchhiker had also testified that he left a Camel cigarette butt in the killer's car. In the first case, the State had introduced the butt, but it had not been positively identified as a Camel. A research chemist from R. J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. testified this date that the cigarette butt was a Camel. The State also retraced the route which Mr. Wetzel had allegedly taken in fleeing from Sanford to Chattanooga, Tenn. An FBI agent from Chattanooga had finished this date itemizing some 50 pieces of physical evidence taken from a black 1957 Oldsmobile abandoned in Chattanooga on November 6, one of the items having been a a .44-caliber Magnum revolver found in the car with two expended shells. Another witness testified that a man who resembled Mr. Wetzel had registered at a Chattanooga tourist home on the afternoon of November 6.

In Lumberton, N.C., Klan Wizard James Cole had gone on trial this date, accused of inciting a riot by holding a Klan rally the prior January 18, broken up by Lumbee Indians incensed by Klan cross-burnings on or near property belonging to Indians, with the purpose of the rally having been stated in circulated flyers to be a warning to Indians not to intermarry with white people. Among the audience of about 500 spectators in the courtroom had been Lumbee Indians, with scores of people standing in the aisles and doorways. Mr. Cole carried with him a scrapbook of newspaper clippings which told of his recent preaching and Klan activities in the Carolinas. The Robeson County sheriff, aware that feeling had been running high among the Indians, said that he had driven to Marion, S.C., the home of Mr. Cole, 40 miles from the site of the rally near Maxton, and urged Mr. Cole not to conduct the rally. The Indian raid on the rally, although potentially dangerous, had seriously injured no one. Robeson County had 40,000 white residents, 30,000 Indian residents and 25,000 black residents. As the rally time neared, Klansmen had clustered about a loudspeaker blaring "The Old Rugged Cross", at which point the Indians appeared, war-whooping and firing their weapons, some of which dated from the Civil War. Eventually, the Indians had broken up the gathering, had roughed up some of the Klansmen and taken their public address system equipment, telling them to clear out. Police had moved in to supervise the exodus. The Indians had insisted that their raid had not been planned. They had searched diligently for Mr. Cole, but the former carnival barker had managed to leave the site.

J. A. Daly of The News reports that retail trade in Charlotte had expanded briskly in recent days, influenced somewhat by the approach of Easter, that a survey of trade conditions in department stores, specialty shops and clothiers developed that the current phase of business had improved since the end of the hard freeze in mid-February, and that retailers were talking cheerfully about spring prospects. Not with million-dollar dresses in prospect.

On the editorial page, "Dixie's Reach Should Exceed Its Grasp" indicates that columnist Walter Lippmann had taken a long look at the bedraggled South of the 1920's and concluded that "everything that was ever possible for civilized man is possible here." A decade later, a geographer had been quoted in Howard Odum's Southern Regions of the United States as saying that the South was "one of the two regions on this earth and only two which will outdistance all others… Above all the other regions, they are the gardens of the world."

In Athens, Ga., the previous week, another expert had made a similar observation about the promise of the region from the perspective of 1958. Dr. Harold F. Clark, professor of educational economics from Columbia University, had stated: "There are strong reasons for assuming that the South will become the richest section of the country and consequently the world."

It finds that there was abundant evidence of regional excellence still in the South, in natural wealth and human wealth, yearning to be discovered and exploited to speed the day when the New South would assert its superiority. Much progress had been made since the 1920's, but not enough. The secondary resources of technology, artificial wealth and institutional services had emerged in limited quantities to halt some of the waste of both physical and social assets. The drain of land, men and morale which had made a problem child of the South in the 1930's was no longer the case. New industry had appeared to help shoulder the cost of nursing a sick agriculture. Education had been improved for whites and blacks alike. A certain youthful buoyancy of spirit had asserted itself in some urban areas, giving promise of new reaches in economic achievement and creative effort.

But it finds that the imagination, drive, and progress had all been limited by the invisible barriers of orthodoxy, occasional sloth and some strange culture complexes inherited from an earlier era, preventing the South from achieving the dream of global superiority. It suggests that the region's conscience had to be revitalized so that its great promise could be realized and its resources mobilized.

Dr. Clark had recommended at a three-day regional meeting of the governing boards of the the region's higher educational institutions that educational research was of critical importance in spurring economic advances, urging that the region's educational and economic leaders join to establish "peaks of research excellence" concerning such modern industrial assets as climate, water resources, solar power, recreation facilities and "even the technique of expanding human knowledge and training." He saw research as the South's "tool of destiny".

It finds it a worthy challenge but offering only part of the solution, that while there would be social benefits from "peaks of research excellence", institutions of higher learning, such as UNC, still had enormous contributions to make in exploring the cultural equipment, the behavior, the traditions, the conflicts, the folkways and the motivations of the people battling for mastery over an environment capable of producing a superior civilization. There was still the need for men and institutions to study the South as a laboratory for regional research in the social sciences and for experimentation and social planning. It views that as a role for UNC in a region struggling, often ineffectively, to realize its promise in an era which appeared to glorify the status quo, and was a role which every Southern institution of higher learning could ponder at present.

"Sophisticates? Just Fun-Lovers, Suh" indicates that it had taken ice hockey, first played in rudimentary form in Europe during the 18th Century, an inordinately long time to reach Charlotte, but once in the city, it had made itself as much at home as camellias, Georgian architecture and the Presbyterian Church. Not even severance of diplomatic relations with Canada could now dilute the devotion of the faithful to the game.

The Charlotte Clippers had won their second consecutive Eastern Hockey League championship during regular-season play and had become the town's favorite heroes. On Sunday afternoon, more than 7,000 fans had shown up at the Coliseum to provide convincing proof of that fact. The Clippers would play again this night, against the New Haven Blades, in the year's first playoff game and the same "wild and woolly rooting section" would be present as they had been since the sport had first come to the city two and a fraction seasons earlier.

It suggests that the argument that the fact that ice hockey had been successfully transplanted indicated Charlotte's sophistication was slightly presumptuous, as the fan base went to the games because they were treated to thrills and spills of colorful athletic competition, attractively presented and promoted. It finds that there was a market in any population center the size of Charlotte for such a spectacle and that the city had shown its readiness for other sports programs, even for professional football again, if they were staged with the same care and imagination as ice hockey.

"Meanwhile, hail to the Clippers—and may good fortune skate with them in the playoffs."

"Billy Mitchell's Conviction Should Stand" indicates that former Col. Billy Mitchell had been convicted by a court-martial 33 years earlier of making statements to the prejudice of good order and military discipline. The great prophet of the advent of air power had accused the War and Navy Departments of "incompetency, criminal negligence and almost treasonable administration of the national defense." He had added that if the Department did not like his statement, they should take disciplinary action which they saw fit—and they had.

It finds that to deny the fact would not ease the burden of pain and sacrifice which Col. Mitchell had chosen to endure for the sake of his country, that only perhaps the conscience of the nation might be eased. The conviction stood as a monument to Col. Mitchell's courage, vision and patriotism, attesting to his place in history rather than to detracting from it. It stood for the nation as a reminder of the political and military blindness of that time. The years had vindicated Col. Mitchell, but had provided no guarantee against recurrence of the same sort of blindness. There were military men within the Pentagon presently battling for the same sort of bold, "wildly imaginative" ideas which the colonel had championed. It wonders whether they would be heeded.

A piece from the Jackson (Miss.) State Times, titled "… And Add Gravy", suggests that it was the most unfortunate of Americans who did not learn to appreciate the Southern standby, white, fluffy rice, "the product of dearest cultivation, nectar of the Dixie dinner table."

Representative E. C. Gathings of Arkansas had introduced a bill to encourage the consumption of rice, to channel to the armed forces and other Federal agencies surplus rice from the Commodity Credit Corporation. The billion pounds of rice in CCC bins would escape the grasp of Southerners, but the rich blessing would be shared with the less fortunate. Mr. Gathings said that the purpose of the bill was to reduce the stocks and acquaint more of the citizenry with the delicious and nutritious grain which was the basic diet for more than two-thirds of the world.

It finds that if a Southerner went to the North or Midwest, he would be lost because of the rice vacuum. Rice, if seen at all in those parts, was confined to milk and sugar cereal treatment. If one added gravy, they thought the person crazy. It concludes that if the bill passed, it would prove that two-thirds of the world could not be wrong.

Drew Pearson indicates that in Congress, Senator Lyndon Johnson had moved with amazing efficiency to ram a series of public works, housing, and highway measures through the Senate as a means of remedying the business slump. A new housing bill totaling nearly two billion dollars to pump new life into the construction industry had been put forward and would likely become law within a matter of days, with another housing bill to follow shortly. Two resolutions urging speed in civil and military public works had been put forward, with 18 Republican Senators joining the Democratic resolution, with ten of those Republicans standing for re-election. A new speed-up highway bill, which would concentrate highway construction in 13 years instead of more than 20, as desired by the Administration, had also been put forward. A farm bill refusing to take Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson's farm price cuts had also been proposed, and would likely have enough votes to overcome an inevitable veto by the President. A reclamation bill, though still in Senate committee, would soon be passed. Senator Johnson, a past master of parliamentary procedure, was determined that most of that legislation would speed through the Senate within a week to ten days.

Meanwhile, the President had suggested that the cure for the economy was renewed purchasing by the American people, but some of his advisers were concerned that such statements might be too similar to President Herbert Hoover's exhortations on the verge of the Great Depression.

White House chief of staff Sherman Adams had been concerned over pictures published in the New England newspapers of long lines of unemployed standing in a bitter snowstorm in Maine, where 30 percent of the population was out of work. With unemployment compensation exhausted, they were presently receiving a relief ration of flour, cornmeal, cheese, rice and powdered milk. Merchants from all over Maine, plus from other parts of New England, had contributed fish, poultry, and macaroni. The Portland Good Neighbor Committee had contacted Mr. Adams and the latter had promised to find some additional Federal food from Secretary Benson's warehouses, if possible, to include frozen hamburger, eggs and butter. The Federal Reserve Board had given the banks a go-ahead to expand their loans by 3 billion dollars to inject new life into business, accomplished by lowering Reserve requirements by one percent. The Reserve could have accomplished the same result by buying Government bonds from the banks in the open market, but by lowering the Reserve requirement, it had enriched the banks by 500 million dollars, which could have been made available to the Government.

Secretary of the Army Wilber Brucker had the previous week attended a reception for the West German Minister of Defense, Franz Josef Strauss, and had announced: "The second United States satellite is feeling good and growing strong. I'm going to hurry back to the telecom room and track its progress." One guest later remarked that he hoped the Secretary of the Army was not still tracking it, that if so, he would not be home for dinner.

In Nashville during the week, Vanderbilt University's vice-chancellor had invited the President's joint Federal-State Action Committee to campaign for "more local responsibility" and less Federal money for slum clearance, vocational and other welfare projects. It put the vice-chancellor, a consultant to the President, in a unique and somewhat conflicting position, on the one hand urging slashes in Federal aid while on the other, more Federal funding was coming to his own University. After he had taken office in 1956, the Federal Treasury had suddenly seemed to open up to Vanderbilt. The Housing and Home Finance Administration had provided a two million dollar loan to construct a men's dormitory on the campus. The Public Health Service had awarded two contracts to Vanderbilt for air-pollution studies, which had already brought $103,400 to the University with a promise of more to come.

Joseph Alsop, in London, indicates that his visit of inquiry in the city was one of the most distressing experiences of his working life. He says that it was the place outside the U.S. which he liked the best, but the pleasant London air was now sour with the smell of impending defeat, not in war, but in the long, courageous effort to maintain Britannic historic world power. He had so written of it and his article had been picked up and twisted into an "attack" on Britain by a leading newspaper. There had been public talk of an "insult" and apologies were demanded. As he now wrote, he wondered whether apologies were actually in order.

He finds that when a valued friend and partner was appearing alarmingly ill, it was not an insult to say so and was not an attack, accepting for the U.S. the largest share of blame for that illness. That was what he had tried to say of Britain, blaming much of its present difficulties on the weakness of American leadership of the West during the previous five years of the Eisenhower Administration.

He indicates that the causes were obvious, that with resources depleted by the war, Britain had ever since been operating on a narrow margin, remaining heavily dependent on raw materials from troubled former colonial areas. At present, the formal colonial areas which were Britain's economic flanks were more violently troubled than ever before, with flank attacks being pressed with increasing vigor and astuteness by the Soviets. The Kremlin design was to bring down Britain by such flank attacks and thus to bring down the entire Western alliance. The danger to Britain was also the danger to the West, and yet Britain was more immediately threatened. It was also more eager for a summit meeting, with much of the discussion of such a future summit based on the assumption that the Soviet chieftains actually had concealed good intentions. He regards that wishful viewpoint to be revealed in the debate about the nuclear deterrent and in other ways.

He finds that the ensuing 12 to 18 months might confront Britain with challenges more severe than any it had known since the turning point of World War II. Yet the response to the grave situation had not yet been manifested in national unity which was a customary virtue of the British political system when the going became rough. The question remained whether it was a British failure or some other kind of failure. He finds that it was in part a British failure, indicating as example that the same newspaper which had organized such a fuss around his unimportant report having also printed a cartoon viciously undermining the feebleness of the Eisenhower Administration, with a reminder to Mr. Alsop that Britain's difficulties were not unique.

He finds also that American follies had been matched by British follies in the Middle East and elsewhere and that neither side would gain by mutual recrimination. The fact remained that human and economic weight had imposed on the U.S. the major responsibility for leading the West, and in one way or another, the U.S. Government was an indispensable ingredient in the solution of many of the largest national problems of the other Western allies. During the previous five years, the indispensable ingredient had been absent, "playing golf at Augusta, or indulging in the pleasures of tax cuts, or busy presenting phony defense budgets. And if the results are as grim as now seems likely, we must take on our own shoulders much of the fault, as we shall surely pay much of the penalty."

Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, indicates that he had been one of the loudest voices against the parole of convicted killer Nathan Leopold, but it had been granted and he now hoped that the statement issued by the thrill-killer of 14-year old Bobby Franks in Chicago would remain as fact. Mr. Leopold had been freed after 33 years in prison, indicating that he had repented and was conscious that his own future hung in the balance, saying: "Thousands of prisoners look to me to vindicate the rehabilitation theory of imprisonment. I will do my best not to fail in that trust."

He finds exceptions to the quality of mercy in justice, indicating: "A rich homosexual who kills a child for a thrill, together with his other perverted friend, Richard Loeb, and who has spent the last 33 years in the highly frustrated atmosphere of a prison in a sea of men, might be open to question." He says that only O. Henry had ever been improved by jail, having stayed out of jail after his stint in an Ohio correctional facility. One of his fellow inmates had invented a new type of electric chair and was rewarded with a parole, then promptly murdering a person, eventually being executed by his own invention.

Mr. Leopold was alive only because of "a lucky swindle by that able old ham, Clarence Darrow, who, apart from Bill Fallon, was possibly the best criminal lawyer who ever lived." He had managed to obtain 99-year sentences for kidnaping and life for murder for both of his clients after pleading them guilty and then imploring the court for mercy. The prosecutor, the late Robert Crowe, had said bitterly that if the case had gone to the jury, both of the defendants would have been executed.

Mr. Loeb had been stabbed to death in a homosexual fight in prison. Mr. Leopold had applied for parole three times and been turned down, then sought executive clemency from Governor William Stratton and was also turned down. But finally his parole had been granted and at age 53, he might justify the action or he might not.

He cites an example from England of the failure of deterrence, that since the hanging penalty had been virtually abolished there, the murder rate had increased and motiveless murders had increased even more.

He indicates that he had noticed that Roger Touhy, the Prohibition-era cohort of Al Capone, would also be paroled after 24 years in prison on a sentence of 199 years for escape, having an 18-month sentence yet to serve before he would be finally free. He says that he would rather see Mr. Touhy paroled than Mr. Leopold. But that the basic argument remained that if boys were so bad as to draw a combined sentence of 198 years, plus life on the side, he questions whether there was much point in setting them free were jail to be used as an argument against commission of similar crime, concluding that he did not know the answer.

A letter writer finds the letters of J. R. Cherry, Jr., to be excellent satire and a source of light to her household, finding them the best feature of the newspaper whenever they appeared. "And Mr. Cherry is an American who values highly his heritage, and battles constantly against that which could destroy it. He is an intellectual (no 'egghead,' and there is quite a difference), one in whose views I find complete accord."

A letter writer praises the editorial of March 8, "Jazz Came from the Carolinas, Too", finding that all the names of the "stompers" had been listed, with no one left out. "Your parting shot (The defense rests,) did leave me somewhat cold (not to be confused with cool). I mean—like man—don't quit while you're ahead."

Apparently he had never heard of John Coltrane, or, perhaps, did not realize he was from Hamlet.

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