The Charlotte News
Tuesday, February 25, 1958
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Government reported this date record high food prices, pushing the cost of living to a new peak for January, with the increase blamed on repeated freezes in Florida and excessive rains in Texas, boosting fruit and vegetable costs, and also on short and consequently expensive meat supplies. The Labor Department index of consumer prices had risen six-tenths of a percent between December and January to a new high of 122.3 percent of the 1947-49 average, the largest monthly increase since July, 1956. The index had risen steadily in 15 of the previous 17 months. The latest increase meant a pay raise for some 1,350,000 workers whose wages were partly based on the index. About a million workers in the automobile industry would receive a three-cent hourly raise and some 350,000 other workers in the farm implement, electrical and aircraft industries would receive an increase of two-cents per hour or, in some cases, one percent of their present pay.
A backstage row had broken into the open this date regarding legislation designed to curb secrecy in government. Representative George Meader of Michigan said that he would attempt to change the bill at a closed meeting of the House Government Operations Committee, tentatively scheduled for the following Thursday, indicating that his wording would make the measure clearer. Representative John Moss of California, the author of the bill, retorted that Mr. Meader's two-word amendment would "completely destroy" the aim of the measure. The measure would amend a 169-year old law giving Federal departmental heads authority to make regulations for "custody, use and preservation" of records, by saying that it did not authorize withholding of information from the public. Mr. Meader had said that he wanted to amend the measure to say that withholding information was neither authorized nor prohibited. The Moss bill was opposed by all ten Federal departments, but was unanimously cleared by the three-man Government Information subcommittee headed by Mr. Moss and appeared set for clear sailing when the parent Government Operations Committee had met in secret session the prior week. But Mr. Meader said that Committee action was postponed for a week when a question had been raised as to whether the bill actually might be interpreted as requiring the departments to open their files. Since then, misinformation, according to Mr. Meader, had been circulated that all four Committee members from Michigan were against the bill, when the truth was that he was in favor of the objective of the bill and had heard no opposition to its purpose.
The Miami attorney whom former House subcommittee counsel, Dr. Bernard Schwartz, had indicated had paid FCC commissioner Richard Mack $2,650 to secure the award of a Miami television station for a subsidiary of National Airlines, testified this date that the president of National had sought to employ him as an attorney in the contest for the television channel, but that he had refused the employment, telling the president of the airline that he was "being helpful" on behalf of National's subsidiary. He said that the president of the airline sought to employ him on a fee basis but did not discuss amounts of the fee. It was the second day of testimony for the attorney, the previous day it having been brought out that Mr. Mack had received a free-ride insurance partnership from the attorney, which had paid the commissioner a total of $9,822 between 1953 and 1956 without any cost thus far to Mr. Mack.
The Miami attorney testified also this date that he had spoken to Mr. Mack on behalf of an applicant for Charlotte television channel 9 "on a friendship basis", indicating before the hearing that he was speaking on behalf of a personal friend from Miami, vice president and director and a 15 percent shareholder in the Piedmont Electronics and Fixture Corp., an unsuccessful applicant for channel 9. The FCC had awarded the channel to WSOC on December 12, 1956, a decision with only one dissenting vote out of the six commissioners, with Mr. Mack having voted with the majority. Commissioner John Doerfer had voted for the Carolinas' Television Corp., and none of the commissioners had voted for Piedmont. Earlier, on August 2, 1955, the FCC hearing examiner had recommended that Piedmont be awarded the channel, but the FCC, itself, had overruled the recommendation. Subcommittee member Representative John Heselton of Massachusetts had inquired of the Miami attorney regarding his interest in the Charlotte case, the latter saying it was "primarily on a friendship basis for a friend of mine" who had part ownership of the application. He responded somewhat heatedly to continued questions about his relationship to Mr. Mack, saying that he had not said to the latter that he was obligated to him or had ever tried to direct him what to do.
Senator Harry F. Byrd of Virginia had agreed this date, with full consent of his wife, to seek a fifth six-year term in the Senate, after having announced on February 12 that he would not seek re-election. He addressed his statement this date to the General Assembly of Virginia, including a statement from his wife, an invalid, releasing him from his promise made six years earlier not to run again. The Assembly had asked the Senator to reconsider shortly after his February 12 announcement, and he said that he had received also many individual requests. His announcement ended a rapidly shaping contest to succeed him between former Governors John Battle and William Tuck, the latter presently a member of the House. Governor J. Lindsay Almond, Jr., said that he thought that it was a consummation which would redound to the benefit of the nation and expressed delight that the Senator had found it possible to reconsider, that he had his unqualified support.
Republican and Democratic leaders had closed ranks this date in a pitch for public support of the 3.9 billion dollar foreign aid program of the Administration.
In Havana, rebel kidnapers had freed world champion race car driver Juan Fangio unharmed this date after Cuba's $10,000 Gran Premio race had ended in tragedy and suspicions of foul play. The released driver showed no signs of wear from his 29-hour abduction, talking to reporters. Authorities disputed claims by other drivers that someone had poured oil on the racetrack where the 46-year old, five-time world titleholder was supposed to have been the star attraction. A racer driven by Armando Garcia Cifuentes of Cuba had skidded into the crowd, killing six Cubans and injuring 34, with the driver among those critically injured. Drivers said that the track had been slicked down with oil, presumably in a rebel attempt to wreck the race. Officials at first had agreed, but later the National Sports Commission said that the race car had "supposedly" gone out of control, contending that its technicians had "eliminated absolutely all suspicion of sabotage" and claimed that the oil on the street had seeped from the passing 27 race cars. Sr. Fangio had told the press that his abductors had made clear that they had grabbed him in the hope that his disappearance would force cancellation of the race and embarrass El Presidente Fulgencio Batista's regime. The veteran driver showed no bitterness toward his captors, who had seized him at gunpoint in his Havana hotel on the eve of the race. He said that if the rebels were acting for a good cause, then, as an Argentinian, he accepted it. Argentina had overthrown dictator Juan Peron in September, 1955. He refused to identify the kidnapers or give any description of them. He said that they had confined him in three different houses and used three different cars to transport him, that in one of the houses he had observed two women. He said that his captors had treated him decently, fed him well and had spent much time explaining why Fidel Castro's revolutionary movement wanted to overthrow the Batista regime. Brig. General Fernandez Miranda, head of the Sports Commission, said that despite the tragedy at the race, it would be held the following year.
In Algiers, French headquarters this date announced for the second consecutive day battles with Algerian rebels which had cost the French heavily, that in the two battles, they had lost 21 dead, 33 wounded and three missing.
In Tunis, U.S. envoy Robert Murphy had arrived this date from Paris on a British-American mission to seek a solution to the French-Tunisian dispute.
In London, it was reported that blizzards had swept over Britain this date, leaving a trail of abandoned cars, overturned snowplows and blocked roads, that the bitter cold had also gripped the Scandinavian countries, with Oslo, Norway, recording temperatures of 13 below zero.
In Detroit, it was reported that Chrysler Corp. president L. L. Colbert this date had invited UAW president Walter Reuther to meet with him the following Thursday to discuss current labor difficulties at Chrysler plants.
In Atlanta, the governing body of the American Bar Association had postponed action on a proposal to stiffen the courtroom ban against newspaper and television cameramen and radio broadcasters. The 238-member ABA house of delegates had agreed by voice vote the previous day to put off further consideration of the proposal until its meeting the following August in Los Angeles. The proposed revision of Canon 35 of the ABA's Canons of Judicial Ethics was a recommendation of the special committee on canons of ethics of the ABA. At present, the 20-year old Canon forbade the taking of photographs in the courtroom during sessions of court or recesses between sessions and the broadcasting or televising of court proceedings. The canons are merely advisory, with each state making its own ethical rules. The ABA, contrary to popular understanding, is only a trade organization and is not synonymous with the bar, generally, each state having its own official bar.
In Madras, India, 64 persons, including women and children, had been killed when a bus plunged into a roadside well the previous night.
In New Delhi, it was reported that 26 persons were known to have been killed, 28 were missing and ten injured in an ammunition explosion the previous day at a railroad station, according to Defense Minister V. K. Krishna Menon, in a statement this date to Parliament.
In Oshamambe, Japan, it was reported that six people had burned to death early this date in a flaming house, the doors and windows of which had been blocked by snowdrifts, with the dead including four children ages 8 to 18, their grandmother and mother.
In Boquebrune-Cap-Martin, France, Winston Churchill's physicians this date reported that the former British Prime Minister continued to gain in strength and his progress was satisfactory, after a bout with pneumonia and pleurisy.
Julian Scheer of The News reports on Senator Kerr Scott, whom he describes as the "frankest politician" alive. He had been in Charlotte the previous day to talk to the League of Women Voters about water, but had also talked politics, which was how he had come to have the homemade title of "frankest politician". There were presently in the state two political giants, Governor Luther Hodges and Senator Scott. In 1960, the Governor, unable to run again, would be looking for a new job and the same year, Senator Scott had to seek re-election. The stage was thus set for a clash between the two ambitious politicians who were Democratic Party opposites in their political philosophies. The Governor was saying nothing about his aspirations, but Senator Scott made no bones about his desire to remain in Washington. When asked if he had a vice-presidential candidate in mind, he said that the Governor was his candidate, finding that he was a better candidate for the vice-presidency than for the Senate. Senator Scott would die later in the year and Governor Hodges would appoint B. Everett Jordan to be his replacement, while the Governor would be appointed by President Kennedy to be Secretary of Commerce in 1961.
In New York, it was reported that 191 years earlier, John Jay had received a master's degree from Columbia University, but only now had the University gotten around to putting the correct date on it. The document, on exhibit at the University, bore the date May 20, 1767, written in Latin, but a card now explained that somebody had made a mistake and that the date ought to have been May 19. Mr. Jay had become the first Chief Justice in the country's history, and had noted the error himself on the back of his diploma.
In New York, it was reported that the Rev. Dr. John Ellis Large, a Protestant Episcopal clergyman, would be keeping his "nimble, daring and gallant little car" after all. Until he had heard from City Hall the previous day, he had thought that his offer to give his Renault Dauphine to the City for Mayor Robert Wagner had been accepted. The clergyman had noted in the newspapers that the Mayor had appealed to American car manufacturers to build smaller cars as a means of reducing traffic congestion. He noted with interest that the Mayor had continued to ride in an official Cadillac limousine, more than 19 feet long. He thus wrote the Mayor, offering his "petite" car and had written a column for the back of his church's program which indicated: "If the Mayor chooses to lumber about the streets of this car-saturated city in an elephantine land cruiser, that's his business. But, despite the crocodile tears and the prettiest hand wringing, he thereby establishes himself as a member in good standing of that popular school whose motto is 'Don't do as I do; just do as I say.'" Two weeks earlier, the cleric had heard from City Hall, with an assistant to the Mayor having accepted the car. Dr. Large had replied, proposing that attorneys for the Mayor and the clergyman arrange details for transferring the car, also incidentally reminding the assistant to the Mayor that it was incorrect to address any clergyman as "Dear Rev." The previous day, the assistant said that he thought the correspondence was all a joke, but the clergyman was not amused and neither was the Mayor. The latter said, "We don't accept cars or gifts from anybody." The clergyman said that he had been serious when he had made his offer. A dope fiend, even if one recommended by a preacher, is not a good look for supplying transportation for any mayor, no matter how saving of traffic.
In Santa Monica, producer Jed Harris, 52, was accused of cruelty in a divorce action filed by his wife, whom he had married secretly in Las Vegas the prior April 1. His wife, 29, said in her complaint the previous day that she and the showman had failed in a reconciliation attempt after she had filed a petition for separate maintenance the prior summer. Both had been wed previously.
On the editorial page, "It's Already 'Tomorrow' in Mecklenburg" indicates that after weeks of wishful waiting, proponents of a consolidated public school system in the county could relax as the other shoe had dropped. Four days after the City School Board had launched a comprehensive consolidation study, the County Board of Education had done likewise the previous day.
The City study would be broad and comprehensive, as would be the County study, the City study to be done by a three-man committee headed by Douglas Aitken, whereas the County study would entail the whole Board. Methods of approach, it finds, were unimportant, as the significant thing was that both boards had reacted logically and dutifully to the growing public demand for a single, efficient, uniform system of public education in the community.
Just two years earlier, a merger was looked upon as something for the distant future, perhaps 10 or 15 years away, but was now expected to occur by 1960 to meet the growing demands on the two separate systems. There was suddenly a clear and present need for greater governmental simplicity, efficiency and economy, but also a need to guarantee the same uniformly high standards of public education to every student in the county, regardless of where the student lived or the color of his or her skin.
It finds it nice to believe that immediate savings could be enjoyed by one and all the moment consolidation became a fact, but that might not be the case, though in the long run, savings could be made by eliminating duplication in the two systems. Other economies would result from better coordination. The two school boards had much study to undertake on the various problems entailed in consolidation and it urges that the studies be conducted painstakingly, overlooking nothing, neither money nor human values. When all the studies were complete and all the answers gathered, it then urges public examination of the results.
"Mr. Truman Had the Town to Himself" finds that a crocus budding beside its front steps would have made more substantial weekend reading than speculation as to why Mrs. Eisenhower had flown to a glorified beauty salon in Arizona after her recent vacation in Georgia and why the President had forsaken his quail hunting expedition and flown with her. It finds that there was public interest in descriptions of the Arizona resort, where, as reported in the Washington newspapers, for $400 per week guests could revitalize themselves in a "sugar-coated routine combining spartan self-improvement with pampered luxury." But it finds that not all things in which there was public interest were necessarily in the public interest.
White House press secretary James Hagerty had commented sensibly that "when the President of the United States wants to go any place with his wife, that is his business and nobody else's." But being sensible was not the same thing as being politically smart, the job of the White House press secretary. It finds it no wonder that he had lost his temper when reporters, to whom he had fed a good amount of pap about the Presidency, demanded another bit of pap for the Sunday newspapers. With headlines centered on the recession, and the President having been in Georgia shooting quail with former Secretary of the Treasury George Humphrey, it was no time for the press secretary to be discussing vacations. And then the President made a 3,000-mile detour on his way back to Washington to drop the First Lady off at another resort.
Meanwhile, former President Hoover was at Valley Forge, Pa., proudly repeating a speech he had made at the same place 27 years earlier during the Depression. The only President in Washington was Harry Truman, who was talking politics. It suggests to Mr. Hagerty that he try a Miltown, that is, a cocktail—not the Vice-President.
"Tempus Fugit" indicates that Queen Victoria, returning from a six-week vacation, was said to have summoned the Prime Minister to the palace to ask him what the House of Commons had passed in her absence, to which the Prime Minister replied that the House had "passed six weeks, nothing more."
It wonders whether anyone was keeping score on the second session of the 85th Congress.
"Is Knowing 'Joe' So Very Admirable?" indicates that a self-styled "cheap politician", Jerry Carter, who had admitted that the only thing he had done was to pull, undercover, all the wires he could, had put in a nutshell for House investigators the problem of Federal regulatory agencies. He had intimated that pressure was placed on the agencies both within and without Congress, that the pressures were bipartisan and that there was a vast gap between political standards, given lip service, and "the standards we live up to at the present time."
It finds therefore that the use of influence could not be thrown out of office with "the rascals" or charged up to a single political party, that if the practice was common with politicians, it reflected a tolerance for it on the part of the public.
The investigation of the FCC already had indicated that dismissal of at least one commissioner would be a salutary thing and that stricter laws governing the behavior of the commissioners ought also to be passed. But those were palliatives and the lasting cure would be postponed until Americans ceased to admire "the man who knows Joe" or "the right person", regardless of his name.
Caroline Coleman, writing in the Greenville (S.C.) Piedmont, in a piece titled "When Drummers Came to Town", indicates that "guard your daughter, a drummer is in town" had been a favorite joke when the traveling salesman known as a "drummer" had been in his heyday. In the latter part of the 19th Century, the drummers were almost the only strangers who frequented small towns and crossroads stores. They arrived in a shining buggy pulled by a spanking team of horses with a black driver, attracting attention. At the country store, the arrival of the drummer was an event in the cracker barrel circle.
His inevitable trunk was strapped to the back of the buggy, which was piled high with samples of his wares. The small hotel was his favorite lodging place and he knew every hotel-keeper across a wide area by name. Friendliness was part of his stock in trade and he appeared to know everyone and could call most of the people by name in every town on his route.
Arranging for a room at the hotel required that he also have a "sample room" where his wares could be displayed, and when he lined up his customers, he would bring them to the hotel to view his samples, while the smaller items would be sold from his trunks. A dry goods drummer had trunks full of clothing, yard goods and shoes, while a hardware salesman would only carry a few new designs of the same implements which his customers bought perennially. The medicine drummer was a slick salesman, adept at the art of slick-talking, able to reel off the value and potency of the old tried-and-true "patent medicines" while introducing new medicines with persuasive powers.
He was in his element when he joined the circle around the old black stove in the back of the store, with its sandbox serving as a cuspidor. A traveling radio, news commentator and book of knowledge all in one, the drummer provided information to the listening group, having a stock of jokes always on hand and knowing the newest twist to an old joke. Looking around the store to see if any ladies were within hearing distance, he would wink at the gentlemen with a "we are men of the world" camaraderie and delight the group with fresh anecdotes. When the groundwork had thus been laid, the drummer would bring out his sales talk, with little to do if he was an old hand in the territory, as his customers were ready and waiting.
For the sake of temporal authenticity, we have to wait until May to provide the story of Trump, the drummer who promised an instant repellent in the form of a magical parasol against the meteor shower which would otherwise end the world. Our latter-day salesman in the White House is offering much the same panacea at the cost of our democracy and "just a little time" to destroy it all, a "swamp" which those nasty Democrats want to preserve so that all the billionaires, without whom the country cannot possibly survive in its oligarchical dependence, as in Russia, will have to be heavily taxed, as in those Commie countries, Canada and England. Here, we know how to handle health care, for instance, provide it only for the wealthy and leave the pantywaist peons to pant for breath.
Drew Pearson indicates that the most important unanswered question about FCC commissioner Richard Mack and the $2,650 he had received during the controversy awarding a Miami television channel to a subsidiary of National Airlines was why he had been appointed to the FCC in the first place. The Miami attorney at the center of the controversy, who had paid or loaned, depending on which side was talking, the $2,650 to Mr. Mack, as well as a judge of the Dade County Circuit Court of Appeals, who had recently appeared before the Florida Legislature for impeachment, and although a majority of the State Senators had voted for it, the necessary two-thirds had not been achieved, were connected. Mr. Mack's friend, the Miami attorney, had been described by fired subcommittee counsel Bernard Schwartz as a "fixer". During the judge's impeachment proceedings the prior July, the attorney had admitted that he had given the judge a Jaguar automobile and had invested money for the judge which returned fabulous dividends. Mr. Pearson suggests that an attorney who did that might not be called a "fixer" in Florida, but in some other states, the label would be appropriate. Payments had been made to the judge at the time he ruled in favor of the Miami attorney's client, the Peoples Water and Gas Co., in a gas-rate case involving higher rates to the people of Miami Beach.
Before Mr. Mack had been appointed to the FCC, he had been a member of the Florida Public Utilities Commission and as such had upheld the contested rates charged by Peoples Water and Gas Co. During the time that he was passing on the gas rates, he was receiving money from the Miami attorney and had admitted to Congressional investigators that he had received money dating back many years, including his time involved in the Peoples Water and Gas Co. controversy. Dating back to 1950, he had received a total of $7,830 from the attorney. One explanation Mr. Mack had given for taking the money during the controversy over the award of the television channel was that he had always received money from the attorney and was just continuing a well-established practice after he became a member of the FCC.
Joseph Alsop, in London, tells of Bertrand Russell, 85, whom he had interviewed, being in his new phase as a most powerful influence on British and world opinion. No one could encounter him without some incredulity at his longevity.
His grandfather, Lord John Russell, had the most responsibility for ushering England into the new democratic age as Prime Minister at the middle of the previous century. To do so, the latter had to help drive from office men who had beaten Napoleon. The grandson had been a great philosopher, great logician, a pacifist in World War I, an anti-Nazi in World War II, and an always passionate libertarian and anti-Communist. But his life and work were now dedicated to a vigorous crusade to ban nuclear weapons.
That which set him apart from his fellow crusaders was primarily his honesty in facing hard facts and hard choices. He said in the interview with Mr. Alsop that he was for "controlled nuclear disarmament", for "any negotiations, any first steps, any efforts that may promote understanding—anything, in short, that may bring controlled disarmament a little nearer. What is at stake is simply the survival of the human race, for if we go on as we are going, we risk a nuclear war, and the human race will not survive such a war."
Mr. Alsop finds in him something which made one hesitant to interrupt his flow of explanation, but the question had to be asked whether the Soviets could be induced to agree to controlled nuclear disarmament, no matter the effort exerted toward that end. Mr. Russell had responded: "Then, I personally am for unilateral nuclear disarmament. It is a bitter choice. I have thought much about it, and I do not think I deceive myself about its nature. Unilateral disarmament is likely to mean, for awhile, Communist domination of this world of ours. As you know very well how I feel about the Communist system, my choice may surprise you—and mind you, I speak only for myself, not for anyone I am working with, and with little hope of persuading others. But if the alternatives are the eventual extinction of mankind and a temporary Communist conquest, I prefer the latter. It would be inexpressibly horrible, but it would not endure, any more than Genghis Khan's altogether horrible empire endured. And the end of the human race on earth is, after all, an absolutely irreversible event."
After musing for awhile, he began to set forth his arguments that "sane men among the Soviets must be just as disturbed as sane men on our side to find themselves in this prison of the balance of terror." He repeatedly said that there had been no attempt to reach agreement by sensible stages and equal concessions, then began to analyze with great detail and shrewdness the various schemes for the initial disarmament steps, disengagement in Europe, closing the nuclear club, and all of the other expedients presently discussed. At the close, Mr. Alsop had asked him whether he did not think that it was better to maintain the "balance of terror" until the Soviets gave stronger proof that they were ready to negotiate, with Mr. Russell replying, "I tell you, if we go on as we are going much longer, we risk the end of the human race."
Mr. Alsop indicates that as he left the simple room where they conducted the interview, his mind's eye held a vision of the grandfather's time, when Wellington's dispatch rider drove furiously into London with the Waterloo-won standards of Napoleon's guards poked out of the carriage window. To make the contrast in time, his mind's ear held the echo of the dry, precise old voice of the grandson, setting forth his alternatives for the hydrogen bomb age as he grimly perceived them. "You may think his advice altogether wrong, as does the this reporter, but this was still a voice deserving to be heard and carefully considered in the final judgment."
Trumpies, incidentally, bear out the Anaximenes view of the basic elemental composition of the universe, at least as to a subset of humanity, with their heads being the primary exhibit to prove the theory.
A letter from the publisher of Marine News in New York comments on an article in the newspaper titled, "Spending Spree under Defense Guise Attacked", which had made mention of "pork barrel" politics regarding rivers, harbors and flood-control programs. He finds there was no legislation enacted by Congress less understood by the public than that for waterway improvements, with many still believing that "pork barrel" applied to all waterway legislation. He indicates that the legislation was free from so-called "pork" by reason of the method of its adoption and enactment, and had been for a generation. Almost all projects were initiated by local interests, not by politicians or by Army engineers. Approved projects were those which had been certified as economically sound after public hearings and long study by the Corps of Engineers, made first by the district officer, and then reviewed by his superior, the division engineer, and the Board of Engineers for Rivers and Harbors, and finally by the chief of Engineers. No part of the study was perfunctory. The findings then were transmitted to the House Public Works Committee and if approved, later was submitted to the Senate Public Works Committee, after which, that which was approved was incorporated in a river and harbor authorization bill which had no money attached to it. After the bill became law, funding for the approved projects was eventually made available by Congress. In over half of the projects investigated through the years, decisions by the Army Engineers, "the principal grounds upon which the adverse conclusions are based are that the benefits to be anticipated … are insufficient to warrant the expenditure of Federal funds for the purpose." There were no other Federal expenditures subjected to closer scrutiny and labeling such legislation as "pork barrel" impugned the integrity of the Corps of Engineers and its chief, and the committee members and all others of the House and Senate. He says that money invested in harbors and channel development was an investment in building the nation.
A letter from Red Springs, from the secretary of the Scottish College Foundation, Inc., indicates that the third of the articles by Bill Hughes on Presbyterian College, appearing February 28, titled "Church Determined To Build College", apparently had reflected the opinion of Dr. Marshall Woodson, his statement containing two errors of fact, when he said that a local group had offered to provide $65,000 annually for five years and then would contribute a $500,000 grant if the college remained in Red Springs. He says that the characterization of the Scottish College Foundation as a local group was incorrect as only eight of the 23 incorporators were from Robeson County. His second error was in the statement that the Presbyterian Synod had turned down the offer of assistance from the Foundation, while the Synod had neither received nor acted upon the offer. He indicates that no effort had been made by the trustees of Flora Macdonald College or the committee on higher education of the Synod to discover the sentiment of the Synod on the matter, and that the latter had not rejected the offer for never having had an opportunity to consider it.
A letter writer from Whiteville finds that an article published February 21 in the newspaper on Dr. Martin Grotjahn, titled "Are You the Life of the Party?" had captured his interest. He says that he had read quite a number of articles by psychiatrists and had come to the conclusion that they were sick, too, preying on humanity to heighten their own egos, excusing their own weaknesses to point out the weaknesses of others. He suggests that when one of the "docs" said that singing, joking, laughing, having fun, spreading cheer, being friendly, etc., was an escape for a sick person, he needed to get down on his knees in prayer. He wonders whether any of the doctors thought of Christ. He saw a party comprised of one or more persons depressed and he used the tools created from the foundation of the earth to break the bond of depression, using the song as sung by the bird in the treetops, using a smile, a bright expression, laughter, which was seen in the sun and the sky, the brightness and beauty which sprung from the earth. Those were the tools he used to change a party's outlook. If he saw a girl or woman who did not have a thing to attract a man, she attracted him for one reason, that she needed someone. "One of the great needs of this world is cheer. Everything we do should be colored and controlled by a feeling of clarity."
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