The Charlotte News
Saturday, February 22, 1958
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that a code of ethics for Government regulatory agencies had been proposed this date, following testimony regarding the use of wire-pulling in an effort to get Richard Mack on the FCC. Jerry Carter, Democratic national committeeman from Florida, had told the House Investigating subcommittee the previous day that he had pulled "undercover, all the wires I could" to get Mr. Mack the job on the bipartisan Commission. Mr. Mack, an Eisenhower Democrat, had been appointed in 1955 by the President, at the time having headed the Florida Railroad and Public Utilities Commission, of which Mr. Carter was a member. The latter had been asked to testify in connection with charges that undue influence had been exerted on the FCC in granting a Miami television license to a subsidiary of National Airlines. Mr. Carter, who had testified that he was very fond of Mr. Mack, was called to testify in connection with charges that the latter received about $2,650 from a Miami attorney linked with one of four parties seeking the license for the television channel, a multi-million dollar television property. Dr. Bernard Schwartz, ousted as the subcommittee's chief counsel, had previously testified that Mr. Mack had received the money from the attorney who represented Public Service Television, Inc., owned by National, the ultimate recipient of the license from the FCC, reversing an examiner's recommendation that it go to another entity. Mr. Mack had contended that the charges by Dr. Schwartz were "distortions". Both he and the attorney were scheduled to testify the following week. Mr. Carter had stated that he knew of no one to whom Mr. Mack owed more than the attorney in question. The hearing was in recess until the following Monday. Representative John Bennett of Michigan said that he believed the evidence thus far had indicated a positive need for legislation which would set up a code of ethics for all regulatory agencies. Representative John Bell Williams of Mississippi said in a separate interview that it was "pretty obvious" that there was a need for either a code of ethics or legislation.
In Singapore, it was reported that Indonesian warplanes this date had bombed the rebel capital on Sumatra and two other major strongholds, knocking out their radio links with the outside world, according to rebel sources. In the second straight day of air attacks on the rival regime, Central Government planes had hit the rebel capital of Bukittinggi, the Sumatran city of Padang, and the rebel capital in North Celebes, Menado. Revolutionary government sources in Singapore said that the bombing attack had silenced the radio stations of all three points but that there were no casualties. The first exchange of fire between the rebels and the Central Government had been reported when units of the small Indonesian Air Force had swept in for a bombing and strafing attack on the airfield at Padang after hitting the radio station. Rebel sources said that on the second sweep over the field, rebel forces had opened fire on the planes with 50-caliber machine guns, with no report on whether the planes had been hit. The number of planes in the various attacks was not specified except in the raid on Padang. Most of the rebel leaders had been staying at that location since they had proclaimed their regime the previous Saturday. Singapore sources said that two B-25 bombers and two P-51 fighters had made the attack on Padang. The Indonesian Government apparently had a two-fold purpose in attacking the radio stations, the first being to snap the communication links between Sumatra and such other rebel regions as Celebes, and the other being to stop rebel broadcasts to the world.
In Hong Kong, it was reported that an American priest charged this date that the U.S. Navy had squeezed $30,000 from Hong Kong merchants to help build a football stadium at the Naval Academy in Annapolis, Md. The Reverend George Gilligan said that pressure was applied to merchants doing business among Navy personnel. He said that while churches and welfare societies were pouring hundreds of thousands of dollars into Hong Kong to feed and clothe the refugees, the Navy had taken thousands out to build a football stadium for the wealthiest nation in the world. The priest was the director of an interdenominational organization which helped the servicemen in Hong Kong. He said that he had complained to Francis Cardinal Spellman of New York and Senator Margaret Chase Smith of Maine about the matter. Navy officials confirmed that funds had been raised for a Navy and Marine memorial stadium at Annapolis, but denied that there was any pressure applied to the merchants. A press release said that the representatives of 24 contributing firms had been luncheon guests this date of Vice-Admiral W. M. Beakley, commander of the Seventh Fleet, aboard the carrier U.S.S. Kearsarge, but that the amount of their contributions had not been listed, with one officer indicating unofficially that the total collections had been close to $20,000.
In Tunis, Tunisian officials were reported this date to be laying plans for diplomatic talks on the crisis with France while awaiting the arrival of U.S. conciliator Robert Murphy. Mr. Murphy, U.S. Deputy Undersecretary of State, was en route to Tunis after what he described as an encouraging talk with U.N. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold the previous day in New York. Mr. Murphy was due to arrive in Tunis early the following week following talks with British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan and British Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd in London and possibly with French Premier Felix Gaillard in Paris. Mr. Murphy and Harold Beeley, a British Middle East expert, would offer U.S.-British good offices to try to solve the crisis which had erupted when a French air raid on February 8 had struck a Tunisian village.
In Seoul, the South Korean National Assembly this date had asked the U.N. Command and its 14-member nations to scrap the 1953 Armistice with the Communists.
In Detroit, it was reported that the nation's auto manufacturers, faced with growing signs of the largest stockpile of new cars in its history, were launching a campaign of production cutbacks to slash inventory. An industry source said that General Motors had reportedly been preparing to put many of its plants on a four-day work week. Ford was mapping week-long shutdowns, a move reported to be dictated by the union contract which limited the use of four-day work weeks. Chrysler faced much the same cutback. Ford announced the previous day that it would lay off 14,000 workers the following week at its huge River Rouge plant in Detroit and another 1,500 at its Louisville facility, and an adjustment of production schedules. Ford also said that an additional 4,000 Rouge production workers would be laid off the following Thursday and Friday. Chrysler said that 2,000 workers would be laid off Monday for a week at its De Soto plant in Detroit and that 2,000 workers at its Kokomo, Ind., transmission plant, idle during the current week, were scheduled to report back to work on Monday. Ward's automotive reports said that the stock of new cars would approach 900,000 by February 28, at the prevailing selling rate, equal to a 69-day supply, the highest ever reached in automotive history. During the previous two months, the automakers had lowered their production sights three times. They planned to build 1,418,000 units during the present quarter, a 21 percent decrease from the first quarter of 1957, the lowest since 1952 when production had been curtailed because of the Korean War. Auto firms and the UAW frequently disagreed on the number of unemployed. According to company figures, Ford employed 120,000 hourly-rated workers at some 80 plants across the nation, or about 23,000 less than during the first quarter of the previous year. G.M. reported an estimated 345,000 hourly-rated employees, compared to 387,000 the previous year, and Chrysler employed an estimated 108,000 production workers during the first quarter of the prior year compared to about 80,000 currently. The production of cars and trucks during the week had been forecast at the lowest level of the year, 94,573 cars and 17,476 trucks, compared to 101,656 cars and 18,709 trucks the prior week. All of the automobile firms reported shutdowns during the week, with the exception of American Motors, which had increased its Rambler production. Curtailed production was not the only reason for the shutdowns. Absenteeism because of severe weather had played a part and labor disputes had also been blamed.
In New York, fairly severe earth tremors about 4,600 miles in an undetermined direction from New York had been recorded this date on the Fordham University seismograph.
In Rocquerbrune-Cap-Martin, France, Winston Churchill's personal doctor said this date that the 83-year old former British Prime Minister had spent a "very good night" despite pneumonia and pleurisy.
The Navy, which twice had failed to launch a Vanguard test satellite into orbit, reportedly would make another attempt at it the following week.
In Miami, Fla., enough concentrated snake venom to cause sudden death to 600 persons was missing this date from a snake farm. Two sealed bottles of dried venom and two lightly covered vials of liquid venom had been taken the previous day from the laboratory of the Miami Serpentarium. The owner called for the return of the four bottles of deadly copperhead, water moccasin and viper venom, with no questions to be asked, imploring that it be returned before someone died. He said that if a grain of it touched a cut or a sore, the person could be dead in minutes. He said that he believed someone touring the snake farm had taken the venom on impulse, not realizing its danger or value. The venom represented a year and a half of work and was worth $5,700.
In Los Angeles, a bizarre plot to bury and then "discover" a human arm in an attempt to free a man convicted of murdering his missing wife, had been reported the previous day by the district attorney's office. Two men had been arrested in the incident. A police captain said that he was told that the idea behind the plot was that the arm would constitute new evidence for a man under a life sentence, in county jail pending appeal. A deputy district attorney identified one of the men arrested as an investigator for the convicted man's former attorney and that the other man being questioned had described himself as a private investigator. The first man arrested had been booked on suspicion of falsifying evidence and had been released late the previous night on $2,500 bail. The deputy district attorney said that the lawyer was not a party to the conspiracy. The private investigator said that he learned that a severed arm was to have been injected with blood of the type of the deceased wife and that her wedding ring or a duplicate was to have been placed on a finger of the hand. He said that he learned that the arm was to have been planted on beach property of a man whose wife was a friend of the deceased woman and who had helped instigate the investigation of her disappearance, that the arm was then to have been "discovered" at that location.
In Princeton, N.J., an explosion in an engineering laboratory on the campus of Princeton University during the morning had blown out dozens of windows. Firemen said that a barrel filled with a chemical in a one-story brick building had blown up and set off a flash fire. The chemical was not immediately identified.
In Graham, N.C., James Cole, bearded, bow-tied and with Bible in hand, had spoken to about 75 people the previous night from the Alamance County Courthouse steps, his first "evangelistic" meeting in North Carolina since he said that the Klan had gone underground. Mr. Cole, of Marion, S.C., said that he planned a Klan meeting this night near Greenville, S.C., and another evangelistic gathering the following day near Monroe. He had arrived in a station wagon with the Klan chaplain and three other men, had spoken for about 35 minutes on such topics as God's love, the churches, Governor Luther Hodges and "Communistic, nigger-loving newspapermen". He had also asserted that claims that the Klan was anti-Jewish and anti-Negro were lies. He said: "The Klan isn't anti-anything except anti-devil. And I am not a hatemonger. I don't hate anyone, not even Governor Hodges. I still love that old rascal." Governor Hodges said in a public statement after the fracas near Maxton, N.C., on January 18 between the Klan, led by Mr. Cole, and a group of Lumbee Indians who had chased them away, upset at Klan activities in and around Lumberton threatening Indians against race-mixing, that further violence would land Klansmen in jail. After the Governor's warning, Mr. Cole had said that the Klan had "gone underground" and that in the future, he would hold meetings in North Carolina only as an evangelist. The rally in Alamance had been planned since January 25, but was postponed three times by bad weather. On the topic of churches, Mr. Cole had referred to what he called "Communistic Bermuda-shorts-wearing uptown preachers afraid to preach on whiskey and gambling." He also criticized newspaper stories about himself. A Union County black leader, NAACP official Robert Williams of Monroe, had appealed to Governor Hodges to head off Mr. Cole's meeting in that area the following day. Mr. Williams said that the area might turn into a "battleground". The Governor's office had replied the previous day that he would "not condone violence and disorder, whether caused by the so-called Klan or individuals or organizations who unthinkingly allow themselves to be provoked."
Ann Sawyer of The News
reports that a blow had been struck by a Mecklenburg County
Recorder's Court judge by fining five Klansmen for cross-burning and
binding four of them over to Superior Court for trial on more serious
charges. The judge had commented that the cross-burning was, in
itself, not serious, but that the motive had been to intimidate and
frighten, and thus could not be tolerated. The six defendants had
appeared in a trial lasting over five hours the previous day. Four of
the Klansmen, identified as such by an "undercover" agent
of the City Police Department, had been bound over to Superior Court
on charges of conspiring to dynamite the Woodland School on February
15, ten days after the cross-burning. Two of them would be tried for
attempting to bomb the building, housing a black school. All of the
defendants had been found not guilty on charges of joining a secret
organization to circumvent the law. Three of the men had been given
12-month sentences, suspended for two years on condition that they
pay a $100 fine and court costs. Lester Francis Caldwell, called the
"Grand Wizard" of Klavern 22, had been fined $300 and court
costs as conditions of a 12-month suspended sentence. The judge had
raised his fine after he admitted having been convicted in 1950 of
cross-burning, at which time he had paid a $150 fine and was given a
sentence suspended for two years. He was also among the four men
bound over on conspiracy charges and one of the two charged with
attempted bombing of the school. Mr. Caldwell was the only defendant
without an attorney. A detective of the Police Department had known a
construction worker who qualified as a dynamite expert, who had
infiltrated the Klan for the purpose of helping to break it up. The
piece notes that a caption in the previous day's newspaper beneath a
picture had connected one man with the attempted bombing of the
school, though he had not been charged and there was no evidence
suggesting that he had anything to do with it. Whoops. Mistakes in identity will occasionally happen
On the editorial page, "Efficient Police Deserve Public Plaudits" indicates that public ridicule was the prescription used often to rid a community of such organized idiocies as the Klan, but that laughter and contempt, though sharp weapons, were inadequate and could not substitute for alert and determined police work, as exhibited in the current trial of the six Klansmen in Mecklenburg County Recorder's Court.
The atmosphere in the community was seemingly free of hate and intolerance, as the great majority of people would not give a hate merchant the time of day, whereas advocates of racial accord drew good crowds at civic club luncheons and church suppers, as well as attracted the general approbation of the community.
But it indicates that in all human bodies there was incipient sickness, and the trial provided a look at some of the germs in the community's otherwise healthy bloodstream. Testimony showed that the Klansmen, to receive more publicity than they had from cross-burnings, had gone to a black school with the purpose of breaking windows, although carrying with them dynamite.
It suggests that laughter might be effective in keeping half-sensible people from joining hate organizations, but it had no good effect on those who were sick inside, as good citizens did not ponder the potential dangers which festered in a community, while good policemen did. For their desire to rid Charlotte and Mecklenburg of a serious threat and for the skill and effort they had shown in doing so, the City and County Police were due a generous helping of public gratitude.
"'Arab Nationalism' Is Coming of Age" indicates that after years of unrest in the Middle East, a political pendulum was at last swinging in the region, cutting a swath through old alignments and alliances, with new alliances forming and the ancient ideal of a unified Arab state being a little closer to reality than many might suspect.
Since the first of the year, two new power groupings had formed, one between Egypt, Syria and Yemen, comprising the United Arab Republic, and the other being Jordan and Iraq, forming the Arab Federation. Fear of Egyptian Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser's United Arab Republic had encouraged Jordan and Iraq, who shared a common Hashemite heritage, to unite. The two monarchies feared the explosive appeal of the revolutionary movement of Premier Nasser.
It finds that the two unions had a deeper significance for the West, that the Arab was coming of age as an important political force in the cold war, that disunity had been the great weakness of the Arab for longer than he wished to remember, a disunity largely imposed by Western Europe. The Arab lands had been cut into artificial protectorates, kingdoms, republics and sheikdoms, the patterns for which had been drawn in London and Paris. There had always been talk of "Arab nationalism" and there was the common hostility of the Arab states toward Israel and a loose association in certain other endeavors, but the artificial barriers remained to prevent pan-Arabic aspirations.
Now, the barriers were coming down, but new and mutually suspicious alignments were forming, with each of the new blocs embracing several states. Instead of seven separate and distinct rather weak national entities, there were now two major concentrations of power, which would undoubtedly be joined by other Arab states in the near future. In both blocs, there was the uniting fear and hatred of Israel and a common distrust of outside influences. It finds it not beyond the realm of possibility that the two blocs would themselves unite at some future point when internal frictions could be dissipated. It had been significant that Premier Nasser, in a message to King Faisal of Iraq the previous week, had said that he hoped the Iraqi-Jordanian merger would bring closer a day of "greater union".
For the West, the meaning of the shift of the political pendulum in the region was clear. Already, the Baghdad Pact was in danger of losing its anchor in the Arab world, Iraq. The loss would render the alliance virtually useless. If any real degree of Arab unity was achieved, neutralism was likely to become a cardinal principle of any new federation, and without its "northern tier" defense line in the Middle East, the West would be powerless to prevent Soviet penetration. The danger had also increased of a new Arab-Israeli explosion.
It concludes that the West had to adjust rapidly to the developing realities, that historic decisions had to be made, but not hastily or clumsily. The challenge of "Arab nationalism" could not be dismissed any longer in the high places of the State Department, as it was now becoming a fact.
"Sam Inman: Some Lasting Souvenirs" indicates that the congregation of Selwyn Avenue Presbyterian Church would suffer a temporary but sad loss of identity the following day. Churches tended to become synonymous with their pastors and for 15 years, that had been the case with the Reverend Sam Inman and the Selwyn Avenue church. But the following day, he would preach his last sermon before assuming new duties as executive secretary of the Athens Presbytery in Georgia.
He would leave behind such significant mementos in stone and spirit that for many years to come, his name and the church would continue to be inseparable. The church was located in a half million dollar facility where nearly 600 people worshiped, on a site where about 80 people had begun the church in a small frame building when Rev. Inman had arrived in 1943 as its first and only full-time pastor. With his own hands, he had helped to erect the original Sunday School building, which now served as the Boy Scout hut. With his leadership and devotion, he had played an indispensable part in the remainder of the building program.
His influence was felt in the community almost immediately upon his arrival. At the time, the exploits of some boys known as the "Hardeeville Gang" indicated a strong need for youth guidance and a program of wholesome activity, and his influence on that group had been great and good. At least two members of that gang had become ministers and the others had also become responsible citizens.
They were mere examples of the good works of a man who had forsaken a successful business career for the ministry and who was leaving a lasting influence for good in the community. They were samples and souvenirs as well which the members of his congregation and other friends would long cherish.
A piece from the Manchester Guardian, titled "How To Understand Businessmen", indicates that the London office of an Anglo-American construction company had circulated a guide to business terms for its staff, and that a glance at its glossary tended to confirm what many laymen suspected, that business jargon was often a cover for unbusiness-like confusion.
It provides examples: "'Expedite'—To confound confusion with commotion; 'Coordinator'—The man who has a desk between two expediters; 'Consultant'—Any ordinary guy more than 50 miles from home; 'Clarification'—To fill in the background with so many details that the foreground goes underground; 'To activate'—To make carbons and add more names to the memo; 'We are making a survey'—We need more time to think of an answer; 'We will advise you in due course'—If we figure it out, we'll let you know."
It indicates that the document also distinguished carefully between sources of information, that a "reliable source" was the man you just met, that an "informed source" was a fellow who told the fellow you just met, and that the "unimpeachable source" was the guy who started the rumor originally.
Drew Pearson indicates that Republican leaders had sought to force Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson to resign, but he had refused to take the hint and the President would not ask for his resignation and apparently the Secretary would not offer it. Vice-President Nixon and chief of staff Sherman Adams were less sensitive than the President and had been seeking the Secretary's exit. Mr. Benson, however, was steadfast in carrying out his farm program with religious zeal and viewed those who disagreed with him as being too weak to resist political temptation.
Senator Karl Mundt of South Dakota, speaking for farm-state Republicans, had called on Mr. Adams the prior November 22 to demand the removal of Mr. Benson, the only way, he warned, to prevent a Republican calamity in the midterm elections. Mr. Adams had promised that the Secretary would be gone by Christmas.
Senator Frank Carlson of Kansas had made repeated visits to the White House to urge Mr Benson's departure, and the Vice-President was busy behind the scenes to the same end.
Senator Edward Thye of Minnesota, a chicken farmer, had written an urgent letter to the President requesting an appointment, intending to tell him that either Mr. Benson had to leave or dozens of good Republicans would be defeated in farm areas. He also planned to ask the President to stop the Secretary from dropping dairy support prices on April 1.
The day before his Presidential appointment, Senator Thye had lunch with Mr. Adams to discuss strategy. He was running for re-election and complained that his seat was in peril because of the Benson policies. Mr. Adams told him that the President would accept the resignation if Mr. Benson tendered it, but that he was not budging and the President would not ask for it. When the Senator talked to the President the next day, he got cold feet and did not mention the Secretary, explaining later that he did not want to drag personalities into the discussion.
Stewart Alsop indicates that, although little attention had been paid to it thus far, the U.S. was in a race to the moon with the Soviet Union. The President had acknowledged that he and his advisers had underestimated the global psychological effect of the Soviet achievement in launching the first satellites, and in the wake of the Sputniks, a very high priority had been assigned to an Air Force project for hitting the moon with a staged missile.
The current Air Force schedule, a hope more than a certainty, was for the first moon shot to occur before the end of 1958, perhaps by mid-summer or even earlier. The vehicle would be a Thor rocket, equipped with a booster to increase its speed up to the necessary escape velocity, about 24,000 mph. The experts were certain that the high speed could be achieved but were not so certain that the complex and sophisticated aiming and guidance system required for hitting the moon could be perfected that soon.
The earth and moon were about 215,000 miles apart and both were moving at great speeds. Thus, shooting a rocket to the moon could be compared to bringing down a fast-flying goose with a bola from the top of a speeding automobile. The first nation to send a rocket to the moon would thus demonstrate a significant technical proficiency in ballistic guidance and so, in a symbolic sense, such a shot would have greater strategic significance than the first launching of a satellite.
Among the experts, there was some dispute about the purpose of a moon shot, one theory being that the warhead of the missile should release certain gases on the surface of the moon, conveying to the scientists important information about atmospheric and other lunar conditions, with the alternative being to pack the warhead with certain dyes which would, on impact, color a sufficient area of the moon's surface to be visible from the earth, at least through telescopes. The dye would have little scientific meaning but would have the potential for a psychological effect in establishing the ability to reach the target.
There was no solid basis for judging the likely winner of the race for the moon. Since the second Sputnik on November 4, the intelligence experts had been waiting anxiously for another Soviet launch, with the expectation having been a rate of one launch per month, something the Soviets said that they would accomplish. One theory to explain the gap since the second Sputnik was that the Soviets had purposely held back on launchings to avoid an anticlimax and that they were presently concentrating their energies on winning the race to the moon. There was no doubt that they could accomplish the necessary thrust to achieve escape velocity, but there was some belief that their guidance system was not sufficiently sophisticated to achieve a moon shot. There was even some evidence, taken seriously by the experts, that some weeks earlier, the Soviets had attempted a moon shot which had failed.
Mr. Alsop indicates that, nevertheless, the moon race was on and the responsible American authorities had acknowledged to themselves that the U.S. was in such a race, though only a part of the entire race for space. All three services were prepared to launch additional satellites during the year. Project Pied Piper, the Air Force program for a television-equipped reconnaissance satellite, was sufficiently advanced so that the first crude spy satellite could be launched during the year and there were even serious plans for shots at Mars and Venus to follow the first moon shots. The grand prize, true manned space travel, was now certain to be won, whether by Russia or the U.S., in the near future.
Walter Lippmann indicates that after diligent reading of the recent speeches and letters from Russia and China, together with some inquiries of those who ought to know what they were talking about, it was reasonably clear to him that the guiding principle of their foreign policy was that, at least between East and West, the tide was presently running in their favor, that what was desired was not an attempt to settle the substantive issues but, to the contrary, to relax the tension and avoid any serious effort to interfere with the course of events. Thus, while they wanted to hold a summit meeting, they looked upon such a meeting as useful to quiet the emotions and to allay resistance and anxiety regarding what would happen, assuming no one interfered. They confidently believed that the Western system of alliances would disintegrate before the Communist alliances disintegrated, assuming no such interference.
As Marxists, the Communists were determinists and thus disposed to believe that history was with them. But though their current foreign policy suited their Marxist ways of thinking, Communist Party Secretary Nikita Khrushchev and his cohorts were practical men who remained very close to the earth. When Mr. Khrushchev said that peace could best be preserved by recognizing the status quo, he meant more than that a divided Germany was better than a united Germany, and that the satellite empire was better than a neutral group of countries. No doubt, he believed, as did many in the West, that the reunification of Germany and the liberation of the Eastern nations on any conceivable terms would be far more dangerous than the situation as it currently existed. He also believed that the Warsaw Pact was more durable than NATO because it was not only the stronger power but the more resolute. It thus followed that he also believed that the Western system would be the first to disintegrate.
Mr. Lippmann sees no evidence thus far that Mr. Khrushchev was toying with the notion of using overt military intervention, or counting on achieving decisive military superiority, as his policy assumed continuing military stalemate in such balance of power that neither side could compel the other. He counted on the durability of his system in comparison with the instability of the Western democracies and their internal complications arising from the diseased remnants of the old European empires.
He posits that if that view were correct, then the fundamental question for the Western democracies was whether they could afford to base their policy, like that of Mr. Khrushchev, on the principle of the status quo. The maintenance of the status quo was what the West stood for in Germany, Algeria, Cyprus, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, Formosa, and Korea. The difference between the West and Mr. Khrushchev was that the West stood for the status quo because it was afraid of the risks of disturbing it, whereas Mr. Khrushchev stood for it because he was confident that it would evolve in his favor.
He indicates that if, by chance, Mr. Khrushchev was correct in what he expected, it was convenient for him to find Secretary of State Dulles, West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan working to prevent the West from taking any serious initiative aimed at altering the status quo. Since he did not wish to take the Red Army out of East Germany and Poland, having so many elegant advocates in the West arguing against any initiative which might disturb his occupation of German and Polish territory was indeed convenient.
A letter from the state chairman of the National Society for the Prevention of Blindness thanks the newspaper for its editorial of February 7, in which it had commended their program of vision screening for children of pre-school age. She indicates that they were celebrating in March their 50th anniversary of service to the nation, that until the current year, they had served the state through the North Carolina Commission for the Blind, and she had accepted the previous October the invitation from the chairman for the National Society to be chairman for North Carolina. She indicates that none of them were paid for participation in the program. She expresses special appreciation to Ann Sawyer of the newspaper for her report published February 5.
Well, you won't be quite so bragging of the "cheaters" program once it progresses to another level
A letter writer indicates that he finds it surprising that anyone in their right mind would favor pay television or even suggest giving it a trial, any more than a person would think of playing with a cobra or rattlesnake to see if it would bite. He asks why any sane person would want to pay up to around $500 per year to see television when it was free, that only people with money to throw away could afford to pay to see it, that it would be better to go to a movie. He wonders how free the American people were with Congress and the Supreme Court "destroying every freedom we have had", supposes that some Communist would suggest a bill in Congress to destroy freedom of religion, freedom of speech and of the press, about all the freedom which the American people had left. He also wonders if the time would come when Americans would have to drop a coin in the ballot box to vote.
Framed Edition
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