The Charlotte News
Friday, February 21, 1958
TWO EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that an official of the Florida Power & Light Co. had testified this date before a House subcommittee that he had contacted FCC commissioner Richard Mack at the request of Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee on behalf of an applicant in the disputed Miami television channel case, and that the Senator had asked him to convey to Mr. Mack the Senator's interest and that the application of Frank Katzentine be given "every fair consideration". The official said that Mr. Mack, a longtime friend, had been noncommittal and appeared not wanting to discuss the matter at all with him. The man had been the first witness at hearings by the special House subcommittee this date, looking at pressures and influence exerted reportedly on the FCC in the Miami case. The Commission had voted four to two the previous year to award the channel to Public Service Television, Inc., a subsidiary of National Airlines, after an FCC examiner had recommended the award to radio station WKAT, owned by Mr. Katzentine. The witness said that the chairman of the board of Florida Power & Light had asked him to go to Washington and see Senator Kefauver and follow whatever the Senator wanted him to do, that the chairman of the board wanted to repay a favor to the Senator. The chairman of the subcommittee, Representative Oren Harris of Arkansas, had told reporters that it was already apparent that laws governing the conduct of Federal regulatory agencies had gaps "so wide a wagon could go through."
In Tokyo, it was reported that the Communists this date had offered to give up anyone from the South Korean airliner which had flown to North Korea on Sunday, who wanted to leave North Korea. But it hedged by demanding that the South Korean Government negotiate the release directly with the North Korean regime.
In Taipei, Formosa, Nationalist China Premier O. K. Yui said this date that more Nationalist agents had been infiltrated into Communist China and that better facilities had been devised to supply and direct guerrilla forces there.
Near Taipei, it was reported that the ropes on a mine elevator had snapped this date, plunging 18 coal miners to their deaths several hundred feet down a shaft, injuring more than 30 others, many seriously.
In Portland, England, a Danish submarine surfaced this date after spreading alarm through the British Admiralty by failing to respond to signals during NATO exercises.
In Wellington, New Zealand, Dr. Vivian Fuchs and his British trans-Antarctic party were reported this date 400 miles from their goal and making better than 25 miles per day, despite soft snow and treacherous white-out conditions.
At the U.N. in New York, a U.N. team recommended this date that 9.2 million dollars be spent on a five-year study to plan overall development of Southeast Asia's lower Mekong River basin.
In Boston, the discovery of a mold extract, which sought and destroyed fresh blood clots in minutes, had been announced by the Massachusetts Heart Association.
In Los Angeles, two of the four inbound lanes on the Pasadena Freeway, which had been blocked by a landslide, were reopened this date, the route normally carrying 120,000 cars per day. Highway crews had worked through the night by floodlights to clear the freeway.
In Springfield, Mo., a 62-year old man had died this date of injuries received in what police had described as an unprovoked beating by two teenagers. He had been one of five adults attacked by the teenagers on Wednesday night. A 17-year old boy and an 18-year old boy had been identified the previous day as the assailants by some of the victims, according to police, and the two youths were charged with felonious assault. The police chief said that the assault on five persons had been unprovoked, and he said that the police would not tolerate such incidents in the future. A tavern operator had told police officers that the man who had died had been a customer in the bar and that one of the youths, who had been standing near the front of the building, had walked over and struck him as he prepared to leave, knocking the man unconscious.
In Toronto, it was reported that 20 years earlier, Chuck Templeton had left his job as a syndicated sports cartoonist to become an internationally known evangelist, and was now leaving the pulpit, where he had preached his quiet evangelism, to become a television interviewer for the Canadian Broadcasting Corp., assigned to Cairo and Rome. He said that he had contemplated the move for two years before he had decided to undertake it. He said that during prayer one night when he was 20 years old, he had realized there had to be something more to life and began looking for it, a quest which led him to preaching through Canada, the United States and 12 countries in Europe, part of the time sharing a platform with evangelist Billy Graham, indicating that he had given Mr. Graham his first job in the Youth for Christ movement. He had been 17 when he sold two cartoons to the Toronto Globe, and for the ensuing five years had drawn a daily sports cartoon for the newspaper, syndicated to 24 other newspapers. He had gone to Princeton Theological Seminary and was ordained as a minister in 1951, then became a traveling evangelist for the United Church of Canada. He said that, at a conservative estimate,he could make between $35,000 and $40,000 per year by preaching, but had always thought it wrong for a minister to get rich working for God.
In Manteo, N.C., floating ice jams which had damaged the 14,808-foot-long Wright Memorial Bridge over Currituck Sound had hampered Highway Commission bridge workers this date as they sought to rush emergency repairs to the bridge. The ice chunks had also posed a threat of further damage to the bridge, which had been closed to traffic the previous day until the extent of the damage could be ascertained. The chief highway engineer said at Raleigh that he had received no reports of damage to other major bridges in the area and did not believe that the large William B. Umstead Bridge across Croatan Sound was in any danger. The latter bridge, connecting Roanoke Island and the Dare County mainland, was built on concrete pilings, whereas the Wright Bridge, which connected Dare beaches with the Currituck County mainland, was built on timber pilings.
In Chapel Hill, a fire, apparently originating in the furnace room, had destroyed the Chapel Hill Presbyterian Church early this date, causing an estimated quarter million dollars in damages, leaving only a shell of the main portion of the church, while not impacting the annex housing or educational facilities. Firemen, assisted by hundreds of UNC students, had battled the blaze which had begun around midnight. The brick building, located at the edge of the University campus, had been constructed through a memorial gift in 1923. The North Carolina Presbyterian Synod was currently planning a fund-raising campaign to erect a new student center for Presbyterian students at the University and had been planning to meet during the afternoon to decide what action to take regarding the campaign. A church official said that the building was heavily insured. The fire had been discovered by a police officer on a routine beat, seeing flames and smoke coming from the basement, prompting him to phone the fire station. Onlookers said that the front of the church and the 65-foot steeple had been destroyed in about an hour. Students and firemen had scurried in and out of the annex section rescuing books and equipment. Apparently a firewall between the two sections had kept the flames from spreading. Earlier in the year, on January 8, Swain Hall on the University campus had been badly damaged in one of a series of fires attributed to arson. A student, who had admitted setting the earlier fires, had been confined to a mental hospital for observation.
Donald MacDonald of The News reports that an "undercover agent" in the Klan had, during a hearing in Mecklenburg County Recorder's Court this date, pointed an accusatory finger at six Klansmen held on charges stemming from a February 5 cross-burning and a February 15 bombing attempt at a black school. The construction worker said that he had joined the Klan "on orders" of Police Chief Frank Littlejohn and a detective of the Police Department. The 33-year old man named all six defendants as Klan members and told of secret meetings for Klavern 22 in Seversville, the home of William Spencer, 28, one of the defendants. At one of the meetings, Lester Francis Caldwell, described by the witness as the Klavern's "Grand Wizard", had explained that he wanted to "step up" publicity for the Klan in the Mecklenburg County area, having said that "burning crosses" was not enough. The six defendants had been arrested after Mecklenburg County police had hidden at the Woodland School in the Paw Creek section and surprised the Klansmen, who had come to the school with a dynamite bomb in their car. Mr. Caldwell, 32, was charged with attempted damage to property, conspiracy to bomb, cross-burning on public property without obtaining permission, and belonging to a secret society to circumvent the laws. The other defendants were charged similarly.
In New York, Donald Farrell, 23, the airman who had just spent a week on a simulated trip to the moon, had returned to his hometown this date to a welcome about as great as if he had actually gone to the moon. He received kisses from his girlfriend, taking place in front of television cameras of NBC's "Today" program a few hours after Mr. Farrell had arrived by plane from Texas. Following an interview concerning his experiences during the simulated trip to the moon at the Air Force School of Medicine in San Antonio, Dave Garroway of the program told Mr. Farrell: "There's a young lady here who's been following your activities with a good deal of interest. Have you seen her lately?" The airman said that he had not, and Mr. Garroway directed him to where she was entering the studio, greeting him with a hug and a kiss. Later, he would go to Washington to meet with Air Force scientists and be the guest of honor at an Air Force Association dinner.
In Wilmington, N.C., the mysterious earth tremors which had occurred at about the same time each morning for four consecutive days since the prior Monday did not repeat this date. The armed forces installations in the area said that they were not responsible for the tremors, as there were no sonic booms, gunnery practice, depth bombing or other activities which would have triggered the events. Police and sheriff's officers in the area said there had been no dynamiting or any type of explosions. The tremors had been felt between Southport and Wrightsville Beach, 25 miles apart, and as far inland as 15 to 20 miles, causing dishes and windows to rattle for ten seconds at a time. A geologist at UNC had reported that the tremor the previous morning had caused the UNC seismograph to react slightly, as it had also on Monday morning, though it had been out of operation on Tuesday and Wednesday because weather conditions had made it impossible to detect any tremor. He believed that the tremors could not possibly be from earthquakes occurring at the same time each morning, attributing them to man-made activity, though indicating that there were fault lines within the state which could conceivably cause tremors.
On the editorial page, "Balance the Books on Consolidation" favors thorough exploration of the proposed merger of the Charlotte City Schools with the Mecklenburg County Schools by both the City and County School Boards. It suggests that they ought to be as concerned with the economic implications as with the possible educational benefits of consolidation.
It finds therefore that the apprehension about certain fiscal facts of life voiced the previous day by the chairman of the City School Board, Dr. Herbert Spaugh, was quite proper, as he was appropriately wary of waste and conscious of tax rates. It suggests that neither the County Board nor the City Board ought recommend consolidation unless they were thoroughly convinced that it was best for all concerned, both taxpayers and students.
At present, there was no common effort to cut administrative, supervisory, maintenance and operational costs because each school system was a separate entity, whereas merger would mean centralization of planning, plant operation and maintenance work, offering the possibilities for fiscal savings in the form of competitive bulk purchasing and consolidated maintenance supervision, as well from centralized educational administration and supervision of instruction.
It indicates that in the past when Mecklenburg County had to choose between a few pennies added to the tax rate and the education of its children, it had chosen the latter as deserving higher priority.
"The President: Spit, Polish and Policy" finds that the President had addressed himself with unusual but becoming bluntness to two great centers of power and influence during the week, with his messages to the Kremlin on the subject of a summit meeting and to the Congress on foreign aid funding, both cutting "cleanly through a fog of fallacies to some fundamental cold war facts." It also likes the timing in both instances.
It appreciates his note to Premier Nikolai Bulganin of Russia, after the latter had proposed a summit meeting even as Russia continued to utter demands for the agenda to be followed therein. The President had asked why the Soviets were engaged in "constantly mounting accusations that the United States is a nation ruled by aggressive war-minded imperialists" if they were genuinely desirous of such a meeting for peace. While the President had not slammed any doors against the prospect of a genuine effort at peace, his message showed that neither by deeds nor words was the Kremlin exhibiting genuine interest in reducing tensions, exposing the cynicism of Mr. Bulganin's letter-writing campaign.
The President was also dealing with what was essentially a propaganda problem in his appeal for continuation of the foreign aid program by Congress. The general theme of opponents was that foreign aid was a major giveaway program and that the funds ought either not be sent or ought be diverted to the aid of the faltering economy domestically. The President had made it clear that such an argument came from wishful thinking. He said: "It's my duty to make clear my profound conviction that the vigorous advancement of this program is our only logical course. An alternative there is—to discontinue or sharply reduce the program—but the consequences would be: a severe dislocation and basic impairment of free world power; a certain crumbling, under Sino-Soviet pressures, of our strategic overseas positions and a forcing of these positions progressively back toward our own shores; a massive increase in our own defense budget, in amounts far exceeding mutual security appropriations, necessitating increases in taxes; a heavy increase in inductions of American youth in our armed forces, and ultimately a beleaguered America…"
The President had recalled that foreign aid had played a major role in saving war-devastated Europe from the Communist tide. It suggests that he need not otherwise have depended on the past to justify the case for preservation of foreign aid, as he could have cited the saving of Jordan from the "pink jaws" of Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, making it possible for Jordan's recent merger with Iraq as a counter-force to the nearly combined state of Egypt and Syria, also occurring recently. Or he could have cited the continuing existence of U.S. bases in friendly nations near Russian borders, bases which for the time being tended to neutralize the Russian lead in long-range missiles.
It finds that there was weariness at home with some phases of U.S. foreign policy, including mutual security spending, and that there was weariness among allies with other phases of the policy and with the personalities administering it. But a decade of the cold war testing and a change of administrations had produced no substantial changes in that policy and no substantial evidence that it could be changed with safety.
It concludes that the President had made old but sound policies more palatable through compelling advocacy and interpretation in both of the messages, which it believes would lend new and needed prestige both to the foreign policy and to the President.
A piece from the Wall Street Journal, titled "Very Dry Vernacular", finds that Madison Avenue had succeeded in "planting a bit of its very-dry-with-olive vernacular in the world of international affairs." U.N. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold, in answer to a question about his recent conferences with French officials, had said that he had reviewed "all matters which are, so to say, pending United Nations-wise."
It observes that it could only wonder if it would end with that latter phrase, it being reasonable to assume that other phrases of the trade would be adopted by the diplomats, along with slogans and catch-words. It could envision a Soviet spokesman reporting a USSR plan to increase aid to various Iron Curtain countries, possibly declaring: "It is time for our comrades to live modern. We are giving them some of our newest planes and tanks because we care enough to send the very best. Soon all Communist lands will have that forward look and the Red flag will wave wherever particular people congregate."
It posits that a U.S. delegate might respond: "The priceless ingredient of any foreign policy is the honor and integrity of its maker. You can be sure if it's West. But whether the American taxpayer's green must go to war or whether the world is to have a treat instead of a treatment will depend on the fear that made Moscow famous."
It concludes that perhaps it would not be a bad thing for advertising for "United Nations-wise" to be used for peace, as it might be the last hope for the U.N. to achieve togetherness.
Not inconsistent with the
condemnatory statements of the Wall Street Journal editorial
board on March 1, 2025, following the disastrous and juvenile conduct
of Trump and vice-Trump at the White House vis-à-vis
President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine, mistreatment of the
type one would expect to see only on Fox Propaganda's "comedy"
programming or in an average, below average sitcom from the late
1970's, in color, we suggest to the U.N. that it adopt a resolution
condemning the action of the two morons-in-chief, playing "good
cop" and "bad cop" until both decided to play "bad
cop", reminiscent of stupid television and even more stupid
movies shown usually only at the drive-in, which, no doubt, both tend
to view still to this day. It will, undoubtedly, go down as the worst
diplomatic blunder of modern times, that is until the next diplomatic
blunder by this Administration, which could come next week or the week
after that
Incidentally, PBS
And, no, little Miss Insane Person from Georgia, we will not take down our comments or offer any apology for same. The fraudster is still the fraudster, just like you are still an insane person from the town where they closed the Georgia Insane Asylum from which you and your boyfriend, concerned more about decorous attire than peace in Ukraine, obviously hatched. The stupidity of these grifting morons is only exceeded by the morons who waste their votes on them. They actually wish to dismantle the Federal Government and all the services it provides to the people, part of the Constitution's Preamble, the "general welfare" clause, should any of the Administration's top personnel ever deign to read it, and substitute it with an oligarchy run by billionaires, which these idiots are brainwashed into believing will be a paternalistic corporation patting them on the head as good little boys and girls as long as they do proper obeisance to His Majesty.
Drew Pearson indicates that the probe of the FCC had already turned up the President's brother-in-law, Col. Gordon Moore, who was becoming increasingly important on the Washington scene, and whose tracks had turned up in the award of Trans-Caribbean Airways to Puerto Rico, the transfer of Washington's Capital Transit, and other operations where it paid to know the right people. The week before National Airlines had applied for the TV channel in Miami, in October, 1953, Col. Moore had shown up in Miami as the guest of the airline's president, George Baker. The Miami Herald had taken a photograph of Mrs. Baker and Mrs. Moore, the sister of First Lady Mamie Eisenhower, posing together on a veranda overlooking Biscayne Bay. A few weeks later, Col. Moore had arranged through the President's military liaison, General Wilton Persons, to have Mr. Baker invited to one of the President's private stag dinners, which he had attended at the White House on February 1, 1954. White House press secretary James Hagerty had suppressed publication of the guests attending those dinners after there was Congressional comment on the number of big businessmen invited. But it remained true that the President chiefly invited close friends to the stag parties and so an invitation was regarded as valuable political currency in Washington, where no Government official was anxious to oppose one of the President's personal friends.
Meanwhile, Col. Moore had gotten involved in a business venture in the Dominican Republic with two directors of National Airlines. Col. Moore had been on close terms with Dominican Republic dictator Rafael Trujillo, who was anxious that the White House call off the FBI which had then been investigating his henchmen for allegedly kidnaping and murdering Dominican refugees within the U.S. Col. Moore had offered to use his influence with Sr. Trujillo to straighten out some difficulties over a shipyard which one of the National directors was building in the Dominican Republic, and he had brought the other director of National into the deal. While Col. Moore was working with the two directors, the two largest airlines in Florida, National and Eastern, were vying for position in Washington. They were not only seeking air routes and television channels, but Mr. Baker of National and Eddie Rickenbacker, head of Eastern, had wanted to be appointed to the President's Advisory Committee on Aeronautics.
Mr. Pearson indicates that the number of wires which had been pulled and the influence peddled around the White House and within the supposedly impartial Administration agencies was indicated by some of the private memos written by airline executives and lobbyists, with the President's appointments to his air Advisory Committee having been weighed in terms of political contributions. National Airlines had gotten a Republican national committeeman from Florida to write Edward Tait of the White House on March 20, 1956 that he could not endorse Mr. Rickenbacker because the latter had not been active enough in Republican politics, but could endorse Mr. Baker. Later, on April 9, 1956, the committeeman was warned that former New York Governor Thomas Dewey was interested and favored Mr. Rickenbacker. National personnel watched Mr. Dewey very closely, understanding that Eastern was trying to block National's application for the Miami television channel. National's vice-president had written to Mr. Baker on January 1, 1958: "I was informed by a very reliable source that Thomas E. Dewey was in town here yesterday and was seeing people in strategic positions, trying to get Eastern's application for Fort Worth-Dallas acted upon favorably… I will keep on top of this." Mr. Pearson points out that Mr. Dewey had swung the presidential nomination in 1952 for General Eisenhower at the Chicago convention. Mr. Rickenbacker, and not Mr. Baker, ended up on the President's Advisory Committee on Aeronautics.
Marquis Childs indicates that the present investigation into the FCC and the sensational headlines regarding influence peddling were, in the view of long-time observers in Washington, no more than a small sample of practices which were increasing in frequency in recent years, as the standards of the regulatory agencies which policed the operations of large aggregates of power and wealth had steadily deteriorated. The pressure applied by those seeking favors had become more pervasive and harder to detect. The likelihood was that the present investigation would stop at what House Speaker Sam Rayburn had called fly-specking, when the nature of the system itself ought be investigated.
A courageous investigation, in the view of experienced observers, would take on the community of interest between politics and politicians and the business interests supposedly under investigation. Such an inquiry would not only require courage but also skill and determination. The record showed that business would purchase influence when it was for sale, as the standards of a regulatory agency declined.
In addition to the FCC, the Federal Power Commission exercised authority equally great over the utility industry. Water-power sites, public versus private development, decisions involving hundreds of millions of dollars, fell within its jurisdiction, a Commission comprised of five men started by President Theodore Roosevelt. One of the big prizes before the FPC was the regulation of natural gas and whether gas at the wellhead was subject to regulatory control. For years, the oil and gas interests had been seeking by every means possible to change the law so that the Commission could no longer determine the rate on a commodity used by millions of consumers in the North.
In 1949, President Truman had appointed his old friend, Mon Wallgren of Washington, former Senator and Governor of that state, to be chairman of the FPC. He had joined Harrington Wimberly of Oklahoma, another appointee of President Truman, and a third commissioner to rule in the case of Phillips Petroleum that the Commission did not have jurisdiction over gas at the wellhead, a decision later reversed by the Supreme Court.
In 1951, Mr. Wallgren retired to an estate near Palm Springs, where he had date and grapefruit groves. Before he had ruled for Phillips, which owned vast gas reserves, he joined two other commissioners in asking the President to veto the natural gas bill sponsored by Senator Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, who had his own oil company, Kerr-McGee, and so was allied with Phillips.
Likewise, with regard to the FCC, there were numerous members of Congress with television and radio ownership.
Toward the end of the Truman Administration, Republicans had found some Democratic fly-specks, in the form of mink coats and freezers, which had been blown out of proportion to show influence peddling. The Eisenhower Administration had posed as the new broom to clean things up, and had an opportunity to dig into what was behind that petty business, the "mess in Washington", about which the campaign orators had talked. But, as the current inquiry was revealing, the Eisenhower Administration had followed the influence-peddling pattern. There were numerous reports of White House calls to the FPC. The Commission had awarded the Hell's Canyon Dam site, the biggest prize of recent years, to a private company and that controversy was still ongoing.
Another precedent was that on the Commission some years earlier had been two men, Claude Draper, named by President Hoover, and Leland Olds, named by FDR, who were dedicated public servants. Although their political philosophies before coming to the Commission had been quite different, they were often in agreement on important decisions which were in the public interest, something about which the commissions increasingly had lost sight in latter times.
Robert C. Ruark, in London, says
that he had been on a movie binge recently, catching up on the last
five years of non-viewing, causing him to agree with Samuel Goldwyn
when he said that the movie industry was neither dead nor dying,
despite the competition from television. He finds London to be as
television-happy at present as New York had been ten years earlier,
but the theaters were still crowded despite relatively high admission
prices. At present, there were several fine movies playing to
standing room only in the cheaper seats, such as "The Bridge on the
River Kwai"
Mr. Goldwyn had said that the picture industry was in a state of transition, and Mr. Ruark believes him correct. The studios were fading and falling into the hands of the independents, such that a person working for a share of the proceeds was apt to pay more attention to a good story, script and careful casting than the salaried executive putting out a budget of so many A-pictures, so many B-pictures, and so many dog-pictures in a single year, as in earlier times. Mr. Goldwyn had said: "It's bad pictures that keep people away from theaters. They will still come out to see the good ones. The new idea is to make half as many but twice as good."
Mr. Ruark indicates that Hollywood had made a bad mistake for many years prior to television by callously assuming that the public would swallow anything, and so bad, cheap, slipshod films had been made just to keep the contract people busy and to fill the bills at double-feature theaters. Audiences had attended for lack of anything better to do. Those same audiences were now sitting at home with their shoes off, a can of beer in hand, with no cab fares to pay to the theater and no parking problems. The entertainment on television generally was not any better than the old B-pictures they had once gone to see.
He finds that the movies he had listed in the piece were good enough to keep him returning to the theater, suggesting that Hollywood was growing up to the idea that there were more intelligent adults than morons in the world, reshaping the pattern to eliminate fare for the laughter in favor of more sophisticated entertainment for people with at least half a brain. He thus finds that the fare currently playing in London made Mr. Goldwyn's old generalities stand up strong.
A letter writer responds to several letters written in recent weeks by J. R. Cherry, Jr., and his detractors, most of which had been written regarding the "much discussed integration farce." He says he did not know Mr. Cherry and perhaps never would, but was impressed by him as the "clearest thinker who appears in public print with respect to the false liberalism which is around us so much and being sponsored by many people who I feel should know better."
A letter writer indicates that recently, the North Carolina Bar Association had decided, and the courts had agreed, that judges ought wear "long black bathrobes" on the bench to add dignity to the courts. He suggests that if a "little old scrawny judge" was conducting a trial involving "some really tough boys", the judge could put on some football shoulder pads underneath the robe, scowl and snarl and naturally scare the daylights out of the defendants, just like a professional wrestler. He suggests that a female judge, "with the collar of her dress a lot too big, like Marilyn Mansfield," could "naturally play the devil with justice" such that his wife would not let him sit in the jury box or be a defendant. He believes that the dignity of the court could not be completed until the prosecuting attorneys were also properly attired. He suggests "a garment approximating a suit of old-fashioned long underwear, dyed in technicolor like an Easter egg—a sort of court jester."
A letter writer from Salisbury says that he had been impressed with Charlotte when he had visited it sometime earlier, finding a spirit among the people indicating they believed that they were on their way up and inviting people to come up with them, but not to hold them back as they had to arrive in time and could not be late. He finds the buildings of the city artistic and in good taste, the new streets wide, well-paved and in good condition, landscaping done by a man who knew what it was all about. The churches looked like the finest temples in the Far East where no cost had been spared to make them beautiful and appealing. "If I were a god, I think I would come and live part of the time in one of these church temples." He finds the friendliness and hospitality of the people quite remarkable, that they would go out of their way to make a person feel at home. "The friendly smiles that they shine toward their friends lets them into the hearts of these friends."
A letter writer indicates that there were too many millionaires in the Congress and too many in the legal field who studied how to make a million for themselves, protecting the money barons and their fortunes from taxation. He suggests that if the country could collect an honest income tax, it would eliminate its debt in short order, but that there would be too much legal talent put out of a job.
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