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The Charlotte News
Monday, November 3, 1958
TWO EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Havana, Cuba, that Cubans risked rebel threats of being shot if they cast votes in this date's elections for a new president and Congress. Voting was light in the first few hours after the polls opened in the morning, but voting in Cuban elections usually did not get underway in earnest until the afternoon. Rebel leader Fidel Castro said that there was fraud at the polls even before the first ballot was cast. The rebels, who had warned Cubans to boycott the election at the risk of being slain, charged in a broadcast "the results have already been prepared in the Army barracks." El Presidente Fulgencio Batista had always had the backing of the Cuban Army. The voting had taken place under the shadow of guns. The nation's 24,000-man armed forces had been mobilized, held in barracks, but ready to move quickly in the event of a rebel uprising. Clusters of blue-uniformed police armed with automatic pistols, rifles and truncheons had guarded the nation's 8,521 precincts. Police had roped off streets around polling stations to prevent any hit-and-run attacks by rebels in fast cars. No reports of disorder in Havana had been heard in the early hours. But in the easternmost Oriente Province, the center of the revolution, rebels had intensified shooting attacks on highway and rail transport, with some clashes reported with Government troops. Sr. Batista's candidate for president, former Premier Andrew Rivero Aguero, was generally expected to win the election. The opposition was divided among three candidates, former President Ramon Grau San Martin, Carlos Marquez Sterling, and Alberto Salas Amaro. Suspension of constitutional guarantees had curtailed campaigning. Sr. Castro's rebels had threatened to shoot any of the 10,000 candidates on sight and warned all who voted that they also risked their lives. They had killed five candidates, including four running for Congress. They had attacked polling places, destroyed voter registrations and warned that the election would be bloody in all six provinces. The Government in turn had warned that voting was obligatory for all men and women over the age of 21, declaring that it was determined to protect voters and candidates by the use of the 34,000-man Army and the 7,500 national police. Police and Army squads had carried out searches for hidden arms through the election eve, arresting scores of suspected subversives and searching all cars entering or leaving Havana. All of the candidates had promised to bring peace to Cuba, each expressing confidence in his election.
Also from Havana, it was reported that the Cuban Government this date planned to demand special protection for Cuban airliners and passengers in the U.S. as a result of the rebel seizure of a plane which had crashed and killed 17 persons. Three survivors said that four Cuban rebels had commandeered the big Viscount turboprop airliner on Saturday night during a flight from Miami to Varadero Beach, 87 miles east of Havana. The wreckage had been spotted on Sunday in shallow waters of the Bay of Nipe near Preston, in rebel-infested Oriente Province. Those killed had been the four gunmen, the four Cuban crew members, three other Cubans and six naturalized Americans born in Cuba. The three survivors, who were injured, included another naturalized American and two Cubans. The plane was the second seized in flight since October 21, when an authoritative source had said that two rebels among the passengers had seized a DC-3 with 12 other persons aboard on a domestic flight from Cayo Mambi to Moa Bay. The rebels had shot that pilot in the arm and forced him to divert the flight to Cananove. The crew of three and a Cuban soldier passenger had been reported as still held by the rebels, but the other eight passengers had been allowed to return to their homes. A spokesman for the Cuban Foreign Ministry said that as a result of the capture of the four-engine Viscount on Saturday, the Cuban Government "will ask of the United States the due protection in American airports of all Cuban airplanes, their crews and passengers." A spokesman for the rebels had denied in Washington that the movement led by Sr. Castro had anything to do with the crash, indicating that individuals acting on their own had been responsible. But the three survivors, including a naturalized American who was a newsprint plant engineer, a Cuban woman and a 14-year old Cuban boy, had provided to airline and Government investigators a report indicating that the four gunmen had boarded the plane in Miami along with other passengers just before the plane had taken off on Saturday afternoon for the 45-minute flight to the north coastal resort of Varadero Beach, that just before reaching the resort, the four men had drawn guns, invaded the captain's cabin and ordered him to fly 400 miles farther to the airstrip near the United Fruit Co. port at Preston. The men had thrown off their outer clothing to reveal their rebel uniforms and told the captain, "This will be in all the newspapers of the world, for no one has ever tried to kidnap an airplane of such size and importance." When the pilot argued that the airstrip was too small for landing the plane, the gunmen had prodded him with their guns and said, "You will land." In the darkness, however, the captain had missed the airstrip by about two miles and plunged into the shallow bay.
In Taipei, Formosa, Communist guns were reported to have opened up on the Quemoy Islands this date with the heaviest bombardment in seven weeks, according to the Nationalist Defense Ministry, which reported that 12,822 projectiles had hit the island between noon and 5:34 p.m. For the first time, Peiping Radio announced the number of shells hurled at the islands, substantially agreeing with the Nationalists that 12,000 shells had been fired. The radio broadcast said that it had given a "timely warning" to islanders of the bombardment on the even dates of the month, a day for unrestricted shooting under the Communists' voluntary calendar for every-other-day warfare, to enable the islanders to receive supplies on odd dates. The Nationalists had said that they had returned the fire. The shelling had started after more than 36 hours of quiet. There had been sporadic fire at dawn, and again at around noon, and then in the afternoon had come the heaviest shelling since September 11, when the Nationalists said that 58,000 rounds had been fired on the islands. The Communist shelling approached the date's total on October 20, the day the Communists had broken their voluntary 15-day cease-fire, having fired 11,520 shells on that date, and then beginning the every-other-day firing on October 25. Unofficial reports said that a Nationalist supply convoy had been en route to Quemoy at the time of the first heavy barrage. The Defense Ministry said only that there were no Nationalist ships on the Quemoy beach at the time. The guns had been silent since the previous Saturday afternoon. The previous day, the Nationalists took advantage of the lull in shelling and clearing weather to land a large supply convoy on Quemoy, the first to venture across the Formosa Strait in the previous two weeks. The Nationalists insisted that Quemoy was well-stocked at present with supplies and ammunition, and reliable estimates said that the offshore island had at least a 90-day stockpile. While the Communist guns were silent, Nationalist headquarters reported that there was observed unusual activity by Communist China's Russian-built MIG fighters, indicating that 24 of the swept-winged jets had been sighted south of the Matsus on Sunday.
In Panama, troops had fired on rioting students this date and student leaders said that two youths had been wounded. There was no immediate Government confirmation of the casualties.
In Düsseldorf, West Germany, authorities reported this date that 37 persons had been arrested in the biggest police blow against the Communist underground since the party was outlawed two years earlier.
In West Berlin, police reported this date that they had arrested a 38-year old German who had confessed to spying for Soviet headquarters in East Berlin since 1953.
In Paris, it was reported by the French Finance Ministry this date that France had tentatively decided to spend more than 1.5 trillion francs, the equivalent of 3.7 billion dollars, for defense in the coming year.
In Moscow, the Soviet press this date marked the first anniversary of the launching of Sputnik II and its passenger, the dog Laika, with the boast that the "leading land of socialism" had paved the way to outer space for mankind.
In Washington, it was reported by NASA this date that the U.S. would launch its third Air Force lunar probe "within a week or so". The official announcement was coupled with a formal estimate that the third effort had "one in 25 chances of reaching the vicinity of the moon." The announcements were made by the deputy administrator of NASA, which had assumed responsibility for all scientific investigations of space. At a press conference, he cautioned against any great optimism about the shot. He said: "If we are very fortunate, we may achieve trajectory and velocity control sufficient to position the probe in the vicinity of the moon." NASA declined to say on the record when the third moon shot would be attempted. Standard reference books which set forth the phases of the moon and the times of the year when it was relatively nearer the earth in its oblong orbit indicated that the best time for the launch would come in a period of three or four days starting on November 7.
Also in Washington, it was reported that major U.S. airlines had signed a pact to share the financial burden of a strike affecting any of them. One of the lines, Capital, had been hit by a 19-day strike of mechanics, while another, Eastern, faced a threat by its mechanics to strike at midnight this date. Other airlines signing the pact had been American, TWA, United and Pan American. They invited additional airlines to join. The agreement called for giving a strike-idled airline the extra net passenger and freight revenue realized by those carriers still operating. The agreement would be filed this date with the Civil Aeronautics Board but an airline official said that Board approval was not required. Eastern was locked in a contract dispute with the International Association of Machinists, with the issues being the same as those in the strike at Capital. Four other airlines, National, Northeast, Northwest and TWA, had similar disputes but faced no immediate strike threats. The Capital strike appeared on the way to settlement, as the union had agreed to put the company's latest offer to a vote by the strikers. The work stoppage would continue pending the outcome of the vote on Thursday or Friday. Capital had offered a 30-cent hourly pay increase at present and an eight-cent increase effective October 1, 1959. Capital's top-rated mechanics presently averaged $2.54 per hour. Half of the 30-cent raise would be retroactive. Capital's proposal also included improved seniority, sick leave and holiday pay benefits, and new severance pay allowances. The announced purpose of the mutual aid pact was "to counteract the effects of excessive labor demands which result in shutting down a vital segment of the nation's transportation system."
In New York, it was reported that Eastern Air Lines announced this date that a machinists strike scheduled against it for midnight this night had been postponed. An airline spokesman said that the union had postponed the walkout to permit it to consider further the company's latest offer.
The battle for control of Congress had tapered off this date with Democrats happily predicting a massive victory and Republicans hoping and working for a last-minute upset in the midterm elections. Some 48 million Americans were predicted to go to the polls on Tuesday, after a campaign which had focused more on personalities than on any gripping national issues. Mild weather, in the 50's and 60's, was forecast for most of the nation for Tuesday, and just about every political weathervane was predicting large Democratic gains in both houses. A state-by-state survey by the Associated Press, updated through the previous day, showed that Democrats were favored to capture between eight and twelve Republican seats in the Senate and between 17 and 40 or more in the House, with also a good chance to gain a couple of governorships. RNC chairman Meade Alcorn had repeated for a television audience on Sunday his earlier prediction of "some very startling upsets" to help the Republicans. In Fairbanks, Alaska, Vice-President Nixon said that the Republicans had a good chance of ousting five Democratic governors. In three other states, which presently had Republican governors, he predicted that Republican candidates were vulnerable. DNC chairman Paul Butler said in a television interview that the Democrats would pick up three or four governorships, 11 or 12 Senate seats and 47 House seats. The prospects of a strong Democratic upsurge had brought the President out fighting during the campaign. From coast to coast he had blasted the Democrats as left-wing dominated "gloomdogglers", as he had coined the expression in a speech on Halloween night to a group of Republicans in Baltimore, broadcast nationwide—probably to 25 people or so in a couple of bars somewhere who had no children to go out with trick or treating. The President had said that Democrats were too divided over civil rights and other issues to be able to govern effectively. The President was broadcasting on a Friday Halloween night and the Vice-President was busy stumping in Alaska. No wonder the outcome. Meanwhile, former President Truman, Adlai Stevenson and other Democratic leaders had accused the Republicans of lacking leadership. Mr. Truman had even accused the President of surrendering to the Communists in Korea in the 1953 Armistice. It suggests that the political discovery of the year was Republican Nelson Rockefeller, "the glad-handing, 50-year-old multimillionaire who rocketed from a political nowhere" to become a serious challenger to New York's Democratic Governor Averell Harriman, who had several millions of dollars, himself.
In Nashville, Tenn., some of the people subpoenaed as witnesses for segregationist agitator John Kasper in his trial on charges of inciting to riot, were hiding out, according to a deputy criminal court clerk. Mr. Kasper would go on trial this date before a criminal court judge, the charges having stemmed from demonstrations against desegregation of public schools in Nashville the prior fall. The deputy court clerk said that officers had contacted most of the 225 witnesses subpoenaed by Mr. Kasper, but that some of the people appeared to be in hiding, and he knew of at least one man whom he was sure was hiding. Mr. Kasper, a self-styled race agitator originally from New Jersey and more lately of Baltimore, educated at Columbia University, had served a term in Federal prison for contempt of a U.S. District Court order in Knoxville for his part in the demonstrations accompanying school desegregation of the recently dynamited high school in Clinton, Tenn., in the fall of 1956. If convicted, Mr. Kasper faced a maximum sentence of 11 months, 29 days, plus a fine of $1,000.
On the editorial page, "Mr. Pasternak's Visions Keeps Him Home" indicates that George Kennan, former State Department planner, who developed during the Truman Administration the policy of containment of Communism, and who, also under President Truman, was for a time Ambassador to Moscow, had observed in a lecture on the 40th anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution in 1957, that the men in the Kremlin had no "hobbies", living for politics, with art drying up and language deteriorating.
It observes that George Orwell had imagined that as Hitler's influence had risen, German literature must have waned to a low pitch. Thomas Mann, perhaps the most distinguished German of letters in the 20th Century, could not stomach the era of Nazism and became an angry and outspoken expatriate because of it.
It indicates that if the supposition were true, that political mania debased literature and language, Boris Pasternak's novel, Doctor Zhivago, remained a source of optimism about the people of the Soviet Union, despite the fact that Mr. Pasternak had yielded to pressure and would not accept his Nobel Prize for Literature. It indicates that no one doubted that the makers of literature, such as Mr. Pasternak, painters and even dance impresarios had known great censorship since the Russian Revolution. Doctor Zhivago, heretical as it was, could not be published in Russia, only in the West. It finds it difficult to say which was deadlier, censorship at the source or the "malevolent assassination in print" which Mr. Pasternak had undergone at the hands of Pravda's paid hatchetmen. One of them had denounced the author recently as a "philistine" and a "moral freak", presumably because Mr. Pasternak believed that man had free will and dared to assert that it was to be cherished even when it went against party cipherdom.
It finds that the indelible lesson of Mr. Pasternak's experience was that in a totalitarian regime, laurels were fine as long as they were convenient, that literature was fine as long as it did not express any insights about man or life which would be discomforting to the arrogant messiahs of the Communist gospel.
It questions whether it was discomforting for Americans that what was happening in Russia was but a more emphatic version of what was slowly happening in the U.S. There were signs that the Nobel Prize physicists, who worked within the amoral realm of gadgetry, moon-shooting and Sputniks, would be allowed by the Kremlin to go to Stockholm, while Mr. Pasternak remained at home. "Is this any other than a writ-large reflection of the tendency of the atomic age, in Peter Veireck's words, to put 'a new premium on the technician and on practical applications of inner theory'?" Yet, the latter had warned that "without the understanding of man's inner nature, which impractical art and literature gives us, and without the inner ethical restraint which religion gives us, our outer practical and mechanical progress is paving our road to hell with good inventions."
It finds that what gave hope about the cultural climate of Russia, defiled as it was by censorship, was that the stilted jargon of party lines, "blabbed and pronounced by the power-intoxicated politicians," had not debased the vision of Mr. Pasternak but had only hindered its communication to the people of Russia. It suggests that censorship, as with many of the tools of authoritarians, was a tiger dangerous to ride. "Sooner or later it will turn on its manipulators, and the humanistic tradition of which Pasternak is a part, old before Marx or Lenin or Stalin or Khrushchev conceived their shadow utopia, will re-assert itself."
A letter writer from Maiden, a doctor, believes that if experience was considered when casting votes in the midterm elections on Tuesday, there would be no doubt of the result. He had heard Dave Clark, the Democratic candidate for the Tenth District Congressional seat currently occupied by Charles Jonas, the only Republican in the North Carolina Congressional delegation, say something about "Tricky Dick". He suggests that they did not have to go to Washington or California to find a Tricky Dick, that they had one in the Tenth District, there having been no trick in the book which Mr. Clark had not pulled from his hat in an effort to defeat Mr. Jonas. He says that Mr. Clark, while in the General Assembly, claimed to have voted for a minimum wage and hour law in the state and to increase teacher pay, but the record in both instances said that he had not. He also claimed to have voted for rural fire protection when the record indicated that he had not. He says that he had a chance to vote for an increase in teacher pay twice in one day and failed on both occasions to vote for it. He had said that he wanted honest government, but had voted for the secret hearings of committees in the Legislature. He had said that he wanted honest government, but had voted for the "Get-Jonas Bill" which provided for a tricky ballot which was an insult to independent voters and good Democrats who wanted to vote for Mr. Jonas.
Oh, come now. No one could equal Tricky Dick for trickiness, not even the late Senator Joseph McCarthy, for he was not tricky but rather quite bold in his demagoguery. It is no coincidence, therefore, that Senator McCarthy's young sidekick, Roy Cohn, was a political mentor to Trump, who also takes the "transparent" road to demagoguery, rather than practicing prestidigital trickiness—that suggested in the piece from the Richmond News-Leader on the page regarding the advertising gimmick, subliminal perception, variously dubbed "SP" and "subception"—, the open, enunciated and plain deception being enough to convince a lot of idiots in the country that somehow Trump is a wonderful human being, honorable and honest in all of his dealings with the people, because he is so transparently a fraud. Well, as P. T. Barnum said...
A pome appears from the Atlanta Journal, "In Which Is Contained Advice for Persons Entering the Holy Estate of Matrimony:
"If you love each other heaps,
Let the union be for keeps."But if the union should fall asleep
,
O'er the union ye should leap.
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