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The Charlotte News
Thursday, January 30, 1958
TWO EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Ankara, Turkey, that the Baghdad Pact powers had said this date that "Communist imperialism" was increasing its efforts to dominate the prized oil-producing Middle East. A communiqué concluding a meeting of ministers, allies and a U.S. team, led by Secretary of State Dulles, had asserted that Russia was directing the attempts by exploiting the fear of war, economic distress and regional tension. The communiqué said that Communist "infiltration and subversion continue to be a menace" and called for "constant vigilance and increased solidarity." In the four-day meeting, the ministers had expanded the military planning staff of the Middle East alliance and heard U.S. pledges of 10 million dollars in additional aid and "mobile power in great force" to meet any aggression. The four Moslem members of the Pact, Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Pakistan, did not receive what they wanted most, promises of vast aid from Britain, the fifth member of the Pact, and the U.S., plus a U.S. promise to take up full membership in the alliance. It remained to be seen whether Secretary of State Dulles, attending as an "observer", had revitalized the alliance by his presence, personality and promises. The two-year old Pact had been shaken by the British-French invasion of the Suez in November, 1956, the result of nationalization of the Suez Canal by Egyptian Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser, as well as by the recent Soviet diplomatic offensive in the region and belief among Middle East members that they were not getting as much from Britain and the U.S. as the NATO nations or the neutral nations of Asia and Africa, which the West was seeking to woo to its side. Secretary Dulles served public notice at the opening of the conference the prior Monday that the full force of the U.S. 6th Fleet and Strategic Air Command, the only apparent "mobile power" in the area, would answer any call for help against Communist invasion. The major military achievement of the conference had been expansion of the previous military planning committee into a combined military planning staff. Conference sources said that it would be bigger and more effective than the previously loosely organized committee.
In Damascus, Syria, usually reliable sources had said this date that Syria and Egypt had agreed on measures to set up a government for their "United Arab states" under Premier Nasser of Egypt before February 20.
Also in Ankara, Turkish officials this date denied knowledge of any new incident on the Turkish-Syrian border. An Army spokesman in Damascus had claimed the previous day that one Syrian had been killed and another wounded in a three-hour gun battle on the border on Monday.
The President this date asked Congress for a five-year extension of the reciprocal trade program and increased power for him to negotiate tariff cuts. He said that it was "essential to America's vital national interests."
In Saigon, a military court this date convicted members of the Binh Xuyen organization for complicity in rebellion. The principal defendant had been sentenced to life imprisonment and the others had received sentences ranging between three and 20 years.
In Tokyo, police reported the suicides this date of two Japanese students who had failed to make high enough marks on entrance examinations for Tokyo University.
Before the Senate Select Committee investigating misconduct in unions and management had appeared this date a Chicago contractor, Stephen Healy, who pleaded the Fifth Amendment and refused again this date to say whether he had bribed union head William Maloney or held any Government contracts. He was threatened with prosecution for contempt of Congress.
Associated Press science reporter John Barbour indicates that Air Force scientists said that men may find space crawling with such mental hazards as marching squirrels, tiny rocket ships which fired pellets, and little men who swung on spaceship instruments. Reporting this date to a meeting of the Institute of Aeronautical Scientists, an experimental psychologist, George Hauty, told of three pre-spaceflight experiments, one conducted by McGill University scientists of Montréal, wanting to find out what happened when a person was deprived of all sensory stimuli for 48 hours. They found that one subject reported, "A procession of squirrels with sacks over their shoulders marching purposefully across a snow field…" Another said that he saw a miniature rocket ship shooting pellets at his arm. The volunteers, in addition to such hallucinations, became irritable and were unable to concentrate on complex ideas. The volunteers had been amused by the visions at first, but later complained that they interfered with their sleep. Researchers believed the experiments could determine if there was background activity as well as normal sensory activity in the brain. In another experiment, Mr. Hauty and another scientist had confined 30 volunteers in cockpits and put them to work for 30 consecutive hours, regulating and controlling certain occurrences using dials and buttons on instrument panels. The subjects were not permitted to sleep, though allowed 20-minute breaks at mealtimes. To the surprise of the researchers, the subjects reported hallucinations and delusions. Some were simple and poorly defined, that the instrument panel was melting and dripping to the floor, while other subjects reported well-organized phenomena such as the instruments showing a hippopotamus smiling at the subject. Another had said that he spent a good deal of time brushing away little men who kept swinging on the airspeed indicator and preventing him from reading it.
In Douglas, Wyo., it was reported that 19-year old Charles Starkweather, wanted for a wave of ten savage murders, suspected of an earlier eleventh, had been caught the previous day in the badlands of eastern Wyoming, along with his 14-year old girlfriend, Caril Fugate. They had left behind 9 people dead in and around Lincoln, Neb., where they had lived, including the discovered bodies the previous day of a couple who resided in an affluent neighborhood of Lincoln, Lauer Ward and his wife, along with their deaf maid, Lillian Fencl, and one additional murder in Wyoming, that of a salesman, Merle Collison, shot near Douglas. The initial murders in the spree had been Caril's stepfather, mother and baby sister, all discovered in sheds in back of the family home the prior Monday, though the coroner had placed the deaths no later than Saturday. The bodies of a 70-year old farmer and two teenagers, a 16-year old girl and her 17-year old boyfriend, had been discovered about a mile apart in Bennet, Neb., on Tuesday afternoon, each shot to death, with the car owned by Charles found stuck in the mud in the driveway of the dead farmer's home. Caril, after voluntarily turning herself in at the scene of the last murder in Wyoming, had told law enforcement officers that she feared Charles would kill her. Young Charles said: "They wouldn't have caught me if I hadn't stopped. If I'd had a gun, I'd have shot them." After a car chase, he had finally stopped when a bullet fired by a pursuing police officer had shattered the rear glass of the stolen car he was driving and nicked his ear, causing him to believe he had been shot. The sheriff said that it was "his own blood that got him. He thought he was shot deader'n hell when he saw that blood. He thought he was bleeding to death." Caril was being sheltered in the living quarters of the sheriff and his wife on the second floor of the jail. Two possible reasons for the slayings had emerged this date. The father of Charles, Guy Starkweather, reported, "He is to lose his sight within a year," because of being hit on the head with a piece of lumber. He believed "everything just built up inside Charlie until he went berserk." The prosecuting attorney in Douglas said that a letter to Charles from Caril's mother had been found in his pockets after his arrest, declined to reveal what the letter said, but indicated that it "had to do with Caril's mother and her attitude towards Starkweather." Whether he was actually going blind appears never to have been resolved or treated in subsequent reports, the father having also said, according to the Lincoln Star of this date, that a doctor had told him he would be blind in a year if he did not obtain a special kind of glasses—sounding thus as a bit of exaggeration, the purported "blindness" apparently being the result of having to strain his eyesight with inferior glasses rather than, for instance, some serious malady such as a brain tumor.
He would be found guilty of the murders, including the murder of the service station attendant on the prior December 1, to which he would confess, and would be executed in June, 1959. Caril would also be found guilty as an accomplice to the murder of Robert Jensen, the 17-year old boyfriend whose body was found in the abandoned storm cellar, with the evidence presented also showing her participation in the other nine January murders. She was sentenced to life imprisonment, from which she would be paroled in 1976. Her more recent attempt to obtain a pardon from the State of Nebraska has been declined. She has always maintained her innocence in the killings, indicating that she had gone along with Charles out of shock and fear that he would kill her after witnessing his sudden murders of her three family members, though her account of whether she witnessed those murders appears to have varied through time.
In Casper, Wyo., a soft-spoken 29-year old man, Joe Sprinkle, summed up his struggle with Charles by indicating, "I knew that if he won, I would be dead." Mr. Sprinkle had stopped on the side of the road to help Charles, who was apparently having car trouble. At that point, Charles "straightened up with a rifle he had hidden behind him and said: 'Raise your hands. Help me release the emergency brake or I'll kill you.'" Mr. Sprinkle then noticed a dead man, who turned out to be 37-year old traveling shoe salesman, Merle Collison, behind the wheel, and grabbed the gun, whereupon they fought in the middle of the road. He had managed to wrestle the gun away from Charles and then ran for another car facing toward Douglas. He said that his clothes were torn and as he ran, a trucker had pulled up and stopped, and he ran toward the truck, then saw the girl run from the car in which the dead man and Charles were located to a deputy sheriff's car. Then Charles had sped away in the Packard he had stolen from the Ward home. Mr. Sprinkle said he had no idea who the fellow was, that he only knew that he had a gun and was going to kill him, that unless he won the struggle, he would be dead. He said that he then drove into Douglas, returned the rifle and went back to his home in Casper. Mr. Sprinkle, a Navy veteran, was a native of Wichita Falls, Tex. It turned out that the rifle had not been loaded—as Charles had expended all of his remaining ammunition murdering Mr. Collison.
In 1972, in an interview for the NBC program, "Growing up in Prison"
In Atlantic City, N.J., a 67-year old handyman, enraged and nearly blinded by teargas bombs hurled into his shack, had shot and wounded four policemen late the previous night. Police said that he had run from his rude cabin with a shotgun ablaze and cut down the four officers in rapid succession before being captured at around midnight. One patrolman, who had been hit in the face during the encounter, was in critical condition in the hospital this date. Another of the wounded, a detective, was in serious condition at the hospital, also shot in the face. The two other officers, both patrolmen, were listed in satisfactory condition. Police charged the man with atrocious assault and battery by shotgun. The gun battle had started, according to police, when two .38-caliber slugs had ripped through the living room wall of a neighbor of the man. The neighbor stepped out onto his porch to see where the shooting had originated and was felled with a bullet in his hip, telling police that the shot had come from the direction of the shack. Police then surrounded the cabin and called for the man to come out, and he answered by indicating that they should get away or he would come out shooting. A group of officers then climbed to the roof of the shack and shot teargas bombs down the chimney. After a time, the man had emerged, firing his shotgun as he ran and wounding the four officers. He then sprinted toward a wooden gate on the west side of the shack, where a sergeant lunged at him, after which police had closed in from all sides to subdue the man. Takes all kinds.
In Flint, Mich., a used car dealer was selling four cars for 99 cents each and another four for $99 each the following day. The eight people who would get them had been waiting in line since the prior Tuesday. The cars had been completely reconditioned and were in good shape, with the cheaper four being worth $250, while the more expensive ones were worth about $500. They would be sold on a first-come, first-served basis and people could sell their spot in line if they chose, but could not have a relief, only receiving 15-minute breaks. An unemployed factory worker had been the first to show up on Tuesday morning and the only woman in line was a mother of three, who had been laid off from the General Motors A-C sparkplug division the previous week. She said that her husband thought she was nuts. Three students from the General Motors Institute, who had their schoolbooks with them, were utilizing fraternity pledges to bring them their food. The previous day, they had received scrambled eggs, toast and coffee in their pup tents. The first man in line, who had spent a year in Alaska, said that the cold was the worst problem, with temperatures having been in the low 30's, toughest during the night wind despite hunting outfits and heavy bundling. He said that he would take one of the 99-cent cars and also would pick up some $30 in bets from friends who said he would not stick it out. The cars in the lower price grouping included a 1953 Hudson four-door sedan, a 1950 Chevrolet two door, a Pontiac two-door and a 1952 Dodge two-door. The $99 cars were a 1953 Pontiac two-door, a 1953 Dodge station wagon, and two 1953 Chevrolets. All deals were strictly to be cash and the salesman received a $15 commission on each sale. The management said that some 200 persons per day had come to the lot to look at the cars since the sale had first been advertised two weeks earlier. Low-priced sales were not uncommon in the auto industry for promotional purposes. An elderly man who had dropped by to take a look, commented, "Now I know how a monkey in a zoo feels."
Two men had led South Carolina Highway Patrolmen on a chase this date, wrecking one car and stealing another. Cornered in a wooden area off Highway 160, not far from the North Carolina border, the men had broken out of the trap and stolen a late-model Mercury. The two men had earlier set officers on their trail after hitting and demolishing an unoccupied automobile on Highway 21 near the North Carolina border. They were believed to be heading toward Charlotte. Mecklenburg County Police, who earlier had removed roadblocks, set them up again. South Carolina authorities notified them that the two men were heading that way in a green 1956 station wagon. The two, however, had cut off Highway 21 at the 160 intersection and then fled on foot into the woods. South Carolina Patrolmen quickly brought bloodhounds to the scene, but the two had escaped and then had stolen the Mercury. Be on the lookout. They could be forming another Charles and Caril routine.
In Raleigh, Governor Luther Hodges had vigorously denounced the Klan in a strongly worded statement this date and said that the responsibility rested on the Klan for the Maxton incident of January 18, in which armed Indians had met the armed Klansmen while they were staging a rally on private property and eventually chased them away, after a short gun battle. The Klan had been menacing Lumbee Indians in the area that week, burning two crosses at or near the homes of Indians. The Governor said that the state would maintain law and order and that he had promised local law enforcement officers complete cooperation of the State Government in doing so. He said that the Klan had "shown itself to be an organization of violence and intimidation," that its leaders "rant against communism" but actually "give aid and comfort to Communist Russia by provoking incidents that are exploited in propaganda by Russia." He said that the Maxton incident was of "serious concern" because several people could have been killed or injured, that it had been "an assault on peace and good order and a slur on the name of our state." It could also, he said, stimulate other, more serious future such incidents. He said that recently, there had been intimidations and threats indicating that the Klan would at some future date assemble an armed gathering in Robeson County or at other places and put on a big show of force to intimidate further the people of the state, and he wanted to make his position clear. He said also that there had been threats that bands of armed men from out of the state would enter North Carolina.
In Louisville, a thief had snatched a large corduroy handbag from a woman, and police asked her to submit a description of it and its contents, which she did, covering four handwritten pages.
On the editorial page, "The Public Schools Should Speak Up" suggests that one of the great mysteries at present was the general silence of public school officials in the face of a severe and continuing attack on their curricula and methodology. The targets were what the schools taught, how they taught it and the results they had achieved, with substantial agreement among many critics that basic changes had to occur in the curricula and teaching methods.
A fair sampling might include a Charlotte parent who had recently written a published letter to the newspaper, Dr. Arthur Bestor of the University of Illinois, a distinguished educator, Dr. Maynard Boring, an industrial leader, and the President. The Charlotte parent wondered in her letter why her son ought be compelled to study cooking and sewing in the seventh grade at Sedgefield High School when he wanted to be a scientist. Dr. Bestor had asserted that education was wasting time with young people on trivialities. Dr. Boring believed that education had been geared to the average child, doing all sorts of things for the unfortunates but not doing anything for the outstanding students with high intelligence. The President had called upon school boards, parent-teacher associations and interested citizens to scrutinize curricula and standards to see whether the schools met the "stern demands of the era we are entering."
The general complaint appeared to be that the schools had become anti-intellectual, preoccupied with "life adjustment" courses such as cooking and sewing, while intellectual discipline, such as in the study of sciences and foreign languages, was being shunned, that teacher training was more concerned with how to teach than what to teach, and that bright students were penalized by subject matter geared to the average or mediocre students.
It had to be recognized that a school was a very complex social organism, with the demands on it being as diverse as the personalities of its students. Its teaching methods and subject matter at any given point were the product of decades of changing trends and new ideas. Nothing could be more dangerous than hurried and hysterical attempts to reorganize the school system every time it was subjected to public criticism.
Four years earlier, A. Whitney Griswold, president of Yale University, in a speech deploring the "symptoms of ill health" in the public schools, had said: "I don't think we should heap abuse upon our public school colleagues—far from it. There are many historical reasons why these things should be so. Yet I submit that there are no excuses why they should continue to be so."
The unanswered criticism of the schools had produced in many thoughtful parents genuine puzzlement over the state of the institutions. The piece suggests that if there was a case to be made for the so-called "life adjustment" courses, the educators should state that case and guard against a loss of public confidence in the schools.
The President's challenge to communities to reevaluate their schools had been endorsed in Mecklenburg by the Chamber of Commerce Study Committee on school consolidation, indicating that there was a need to determine the adequacy of the instruction offered in science and other fields for the proper preparation of the students for higher education and work. It finds it a sensible statement, but on the surface, appeared to have been lost in vast silence.
"One thing has been made clear by the current furor. There has been a serious loss of communication between parents and schools, a loss that has led to considerable doubts and perplexity among parents. The responsibility for restoring this communication rests with the schools."
"Mr. Hagerty & the Reportorial Needle" indicates that the fall of White House press secretary James Hagerty had caused a great splash in the newspapers. He had once been a top-notch reporter, implying that he was a natural enemy to windbags and over-inflated political egos.
He had now become the target of reportorial needles because on more than one occasion, he had referred to the President as "we", implying that the Presidency was comprised of Mr. Eisenhower and Mr. Hagerty. When a Senator flying to Chicago with the President developed a nosebleed, one reporter, thinking that the President, himself, was afflicted, asked Mr. Hagerty for the facts. He had replied: "Oh, you thought it was us, eh?" Asked earlier whether the President planned to go to Chicago, he had responded: "We are taking another look at it."
It suggests that if his old reportorial instincts could not save him from stuffiness, nothing could. It finds it time for reporters to start addressing him as "Mr. Secretary" rather than "Jim". His use of "we" in referring to the President pointed up a significant fact about the delegation of power within the Administration.
The piece suggests that it reminded of the distaste in which the word had been held by the New Yorker's E. B. White, who had to use the editorial "we" in writing pieces for the magazine. When asked to identify "we", Mr. White had confessed that he was part of it, but added, in essence, that he hoped to run across the rest of it in a dark alley one night so that he could bludgeon the brains out of it.
A piece from the Raleigh News & Observer, titled "The Ice-Rich Man", indicates that those of the current younger generation did not appreciate that their grandfathers had once cut ice on the mill pond in winter and munched the same the following summer. The youngster had probably seen one of the old farm ice houses sticking out above the ground, as one or two were preserved in most counties. Despite the evidence of the ice preserving curio, the youngster could not comprehend that the weather had changed so radically in a relatively short span. The young iconoclasts now believed the ancient myth about mid-winter mill pond ice being sawed to inhabit lemonade in August.
In earlier times, not everyone could afford an ice house, nor lived near enough to ponds and rivers to obtain the ice for it. The person with ice in July was almost as important as if he had the only cold drink stand in hell. His greatest public service were to those who suffered from typhoid fever. "It is a happy commentary that the records reveal the ice rich man gave freely to the fight for the heathen Chinese, for young lovers, and for bed-ridden wretches."
Drew Pearson indicates that the alibi advanced by the FCC for the free use by its members of expensive color television sets was that the sets were merely on loan from the manufacturers so that they could more effectively understand the color TV problem. He says that when his assistant, Lawrence Berlin, had phoned the former FCC chairman, George McConnaughey, and asked him whether he had returned the color television set he had received from NBC, the latter had said he had not, that he had bought it when he left the Commission, paying $200 for it. He said he wanted to find out whether it would work back in his hometown of Columbus, O., and had paid for it a few weeks earlier, not knowing whether it was a good price, but seeing in Columbus the sets being advertised for between $300 and $400. At first, he could not get it to work, but eventually did and so decided to keep it. Mr. McConnaughey had left the FCC on June 30, 1957, and so it had taken him six months to decide whether to purchase the $200 color television set.
Mr. Pearson notes that the acceptance of color television sets was one of the lesser charges brought against FCC commissioners in the secret memo prepared by Bernard Schwartz, counsel for the Moulder Committee of the House, investigating the FCC. Members of Congress who had once been upset over possible undue influence from hams and deep freezes being given as gifts during the Truman Administration, had run away from this probe "like jackrabbits in front of a plane at the Los Angeles Airport."
Joseph Alsop, in Bonn, West Germany, finds Chancellor Konrad Adenauer to resemble, as a surviving idealist, a powerful prehistoric creature living in an age not his own. His views on negotiation with the Soviets fit the same mold. He had recently told Mr. Alsop: "As I made clear at the NATO meeting in Paris, I believe in East-West negotiations. Someday there must be a world settlement, and it must be reached by negotiation. But I do not believe that the Western nations can negotiate successfully with the Soviets unless three essential conditions have been fully met." He said that the three conditions were that the West had to be absolutely united, a condition he believed had not been fully restored, that the Western powers had to be strong, as only strength was respected by the Soviets, and finally that there would be no use negotiating for the sake of it, that there must first be agreement in the West about the practical objectives of the negotiations, the most important of which was controlled disarmament, which he said could only come by stages, with agreement as to what those stages would be and acceptance of no false substitutes for genuine controlled disarmament. He said that the so-called Rapacki Plan would do no good and that it would do no good to talk about it.
Mr. Alsop indicates that it was always a curious experience to be received by the Chancellor in his large, airy, heavily humidified office, which he nevertheless seemed to fill by his presence, despite being old. When he had met with him, the Chancellor had just sat through a long, successful foreign affairs debate at the Bundestag until 2:00 a.m., but, nevertheless, the experience which would have exhausted many younger men, only seemed to have invigorated him, making him more firm and considerably more scornful. He was openly scornful in particular of the follies of the previous few years which had led to the present difficulty in the Western Alliance.
He viewed those difficulties as beginning with the issue of disarmament, giving the Soviets the impression that even the U.S. might be seeking appeasement, which would be music to the Kremlin's ears. The other issues were the incredible disregard of the intelligence concerning Soviet rocket developments, decreasing unity among the NATO nations, and mistakes in the previous year's disarmament negotiations. He found the overall result to be something akin to general demoralization of the Western Alliance. But in the post-Sputnik era of awakening, efforts were being made to correct the worst follies of omission and commission, such that the West might again hope that the conditions of successful negotiation would eventually be fulfilled, though there was much yet to be done.
The first thing to be done, according to the Chancellor, was to complete the restoration of Western unity, a "key requirement", including such disunifying factors as the British attempt to reduce their ground forces in NATO. The idea of a bilateral conference between the U.S. and Russia did not elicit much enthusiasm from him. He admitted that Communist Party Secretary Nikita Khrushchev's repeated invitations for such a bilateral meeting might suggest a desire to talk serious business, but, he indicated, it would disunite the West. He rejected all of the easy ways out and stressed the importance of Western unity, strength and clear headedness.
He summed up by indicating: "The West must put its own house in order. Then and only then can we carry on these negotiations everyone desires with the Soviets, whose house is not altogether in order either." He suggested that if the West was to maintain their common front and did not slacken their effort, they would be rewarded in the end "with the true settlement, just to all, that we all desire."
Doris Fleeson indicates that the economic recession was becoming the major issue of the Congressional campaign in the midterm elections to come, as politicians were hearing more about it from home, causing their apprehensions to grow.
Railroad carloadings were down 12 percent as compared to 5 percent a year earlier and railroad unemployment had reached 120,000 out of a million workers, indicators which in the past signaled worse to come.
Congress was waiting to see what the Administration intended to do, thus far remaining cheerful, starting with the President. Administration spokesmen professed to believe that the extra spending on defense in the new budget would provide the boost for the economy which it needed, a view, however, not widely shared by economists or financial journals. From time to time stories had been published that the Administration had ready various programs, including public works, to take up any slack in the economy and that it would propose them whenever it became convinced that the situation required it. The official reply to such stories had been "no comment".
Meanwhile, the political effects were becoming apparent and they went beyond the fact that the Democrats would profit when the economic conditions significantly worsened. The threat of a recession had narrowed the interests of Congress to a few major issues, including missiles, the budget and education. Foreign aid and reciprocal trade were receding more into the background. Controversial questions such as the natural gas bill, civil rights and labor legislation were also receding. With voters in a bad mood, which could grow worse, few wanted to annoy them further with such controversies.
She indicates that such trends were in evidence in all election years, but when the country was comfortable, they could be surmounted.
Farm policy was another victim of the situation, though Congress was dissatisfied with both its own old policy and the changes proposed by Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson. Yet there was no serious effort to end that stalemate.
One veteran Senator, anticipating only one really serious battleground, the budget, said he expected it to be completely out of shape when it emerged from the session.
Even a large Federal program from the White House would not avert all of those budgetary issues. For example, the "reclamation states" intended to get their water regardless of the austerity program imposed by the White House. One of their own, Senator Carl Hayden of Arizona, was chairman of the Appropriations Committee, and Republican Senators William Knowland and Thomas Kuchel of California were whipping up Republican reinforcements.
All of it, she indicates, suggested a maximum of logrolling of the type brought to the status of a fine art in the old battle over tariffs prior to the reciprocal trade system. There were always too few members of Congress willing to move out of the orbit of their own self interests, and signs were at present that the situation was about to get worse.
A letter writer thinks it would be
quite unfair to the viewing public to have a pay television system,
that the present high-caliber of television programming offered under
the free system was the result of much effort and cooperation among
the major networks, affiliated stations and sponsors. He thinks that
the presence of commercials
A letter writer from Rock Hill, S.C., writes regarding the same issue, wondering whether television was really free or whether the unwilling absorption of commercials would be considered reasonable payment for the value received. He believes that local television was neither free nor a one-way street, as the consumer had to pay around $200 for a set and then had to listen to all of the advertisements.
Charles Starkweather, incidentally, might have held out longer had he adopted a convincing disguise and fled south of the border, but he had acted precipitously and thus did not see this week's episode
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