The Charlotte News
Thursday, February 28, 1957
FIVE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Senate Select Committee, chaired by Senator John McClellan of Arkansas, investigating the infiltration of rackets and organized crime into organized labor and industry, heard this date from Stanley Earl, a Portland City commissioner, who said that Clyde Crosby, the Teamsters Union boss in Oregon, had opposed his 1956 election because he had refused to support a pinball licensing ordinance. Mr. Earl said that Mr. Crosby had told him that if he did not support the ordinance, the Teamsters would oppose him in the election. The proposed ordinance had never passed. Mr. Earl described himself as a life-long member of various other unions, that he had been a member of the Carpenters and International Wood Workers Union and presently belonged to the State, County and Municipal Workers Union. His testimony followed two days of testimony by James Elkins of Portland, a gambler who indicated that some officials of the Teamsters Union and others had tried to "muscle in" on rackets in Portland, seeking to oust the police chief and succeeding in defeating the mayor. Mr. Earl said that in the election, he had been actively opposed by the Oregon joint council of Teamsters, the Teamsters' newspaper, and by tavern operators and others whom he contended were influenced by the Teamsters. He said that he continued to obtain political support from "rank-and-file union members" despite being opposed by the union leadership. He said that he had been an active opponent of pinball machines in Portland for many years, that the Teamsters had shown no interest in organizing pinball machines until 1955. At that time, Mr. Crosby had come to Mr. Earl seeking support for the ordinance, coupling the request with a threat of political opposition if he did not comply. He said that the Teamsters could have had no interest in pinball machines from the standpoint of its membership because it would take less than 100 employees to service the machines throughout Portland.
The President and French Premier Guy Mollet this date expressed "common conviction" that a solution in the Middle East could be achieved by peaceful means, "in conformity with the principles of justice and internal law." Following three days of talks aimed primarily at repair of Franco-American relations, the two men, in a joint statement, reaffirmed a U.N. declaration of the previous October which had called for "free and open transit" through the Suez Canal "without discrimination". The President and the Premier made no reference in the communiqué to mounting hopes for withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip and the Gulf of Aqaba area without resort to U.N. sanctions against Israel.
In Bellmawr, N.J., police said this date that they were working on several leads but had not had any hard developments in their search for a four-year old girl believed to have been kidnaped the previous Monday morning while she was playing in the yard near her home. The parents had appealed the previous day for her safe return, with the mother asking that she be left at any church and promising to do all within their power to keep the person from any harm, an appeal joined by the father, a radio and television department store manager. The previous day had been the child's fourth birthday and this date was the father's birthday, and the family had originally planned to have a joint celebration. The mother, weeping, implored the kidnaper to return their child, as there was still time for the celebration. Police said they could find no motive for the kidnaping, as there had been no ransom note left or demand made of any kind. The Philadelphia Inquirer had reported that an unidentified priest had indicated seeing a tall woman bearing the limp body of a small girl within an hour after the girl's disappearance, stating that he had witnessed it a few blocks from the home of the girl. Police said that they knew nothing of the priest's story.
In Miami, Fla., a man was shot to death in his restaurant the previous night while resisting a bandit whom witnesses said had robbed him the previous night. Police held a 28-year old escapee from a North Carolina prison for investigation of the murder and armed robbery. The restaurateur was struck in the heart by one of three pistol bullets as he attacked the assailant with a hammer in front of six patrons. Customers and bystanders then beat and kicked the assailant unconscious on a rainy sidewalk just outside the restaurant, which was across from the Miami Herald building. Restaurant patrons said that the restaurateur picked up a hammer from under his counter and charged at the holdup man, whereupon the latter had fired three shots and the victim slumped beside his cash register near the door, at which point an employee of the Herald's mailing room grabbed the holdup man by the arms and wrestled with him out the door until they fell on the sidewalk in the rain. Another Herald employee had joined in kicking and pummeling the holdup man, until a patrolman, who happened to be on his beat, handcuffed the man, who spontaneously stated that he did not "do nothing" and "didn't shoot nobody". He said that he had escaped from North Carolina State Prison the previous October after serving 11 months of an eight-year sentence for forgery. The restaurateur was robbed of $250 on Tuesday night and witnesses said that he was then reluctant to hand over the money until the robber had threatened to shoot him. A waitress said that the same man had staged both holdups. The State Prisons Department in Raleigh said that the holdup man had entered prison in March, 1954 to serve sentences totaling between five and seven years for forgery, and that since that time, had picked up additional sentences of two to four years for forgery and 18 months for escape.
In Camden, S. C., six men originally charged in the flogging of Guy Hutchins, the Camden High School bandleader, were set to face another grand jury indictment on the original charges, after the solicitor had nullified the grand jury's eight indictments against the men which had been handed down the previous week. Four of the six men had the charges greatly reduced the previous week and the charges were dismissed against the two others. There had been agitation in the town for renewal of the original charges, however, and the solicitor had submitted the matter for further consideration. The original charges alleged conspiracy to violate civil rights against two of the men, but the grand jury had not indicted them on that charge and all of the charges were dropped. The incident had arisen the prior December when Mr. Hutchins had stopped by the side of a road, on his way from Charlotte, to fix a flat tire and the six masked men had driven up, stopped, kidnaped him, took him to a wooded area where they flogged him, indicating that it was because he had allegedly made pro-integration statements at a Lions Club auxiliary meeting, a contention which Mr. Hutchins denied.
Dick Bayer of The News reports that a city bus driver, who had been robbed at the point of a shotgun during the week, said this date that a group of fellow drivers had organized for protection against night holdups, indicating that the previous night three or four armed off-duty drivers had shuttled between the end of the Double Oaks route and the Biddleville route, meeting buses at those terminal points, with the drivers remaining in a car until the circuit was started again. The driver in question had been robbed of $60 late on Tuesday night, and on Monday night, another driver had been robbed of $127 by a pair of bandits wielding a shotgun while the driver was waiting in his bus at the end of the Biddleville route.
Julian Scheer of The News reports that the Justice Department would investigate reports from North Carolina's Division of Purchase and Contract that 15 concerns had submitted identical bids on the Salk polio vaccine. Representative L. H. Fountain had said that the state appeared to be a link in a chain of evidence pointing to a possible widespread conspiracy to set the price of the vaccine in violation of antitrust laws. An investigation by the Intergovernmental Relations subcommittee, which Mr. Fountain chaired, had resulted in a Justice Department investigation and a call for a Federal grand jury hearing. The director of the State Division of Purchase and Contract had revealed this date that identical bids had been received on January 17 from 15 bidders on the vaccine. Federal funds paid for State purchases and evidence of identical bids being received by other states had also been turned over to the Justice Department. The subcommittee investigation had been initiated the previous September and there had been public hearings in October. Mr. Fountain said that the investigation revealed that the Federal Government had been paying between 63 and 79 cents for a cubic centimeter of vaccine while the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis had been paying only 35 cents for the same amount. When the director of the State Division of Purchase and Contract had asked for competitive bids for the North Carolina vaccine, 15 bids had been submitted and each had set the price at $5,586 for nine cubic centimeter vials.
In Raleigh, action had been delayed this date on proposed laws which would change driver's license suspension provisions, after Motor Vehicles commissioner Ed Scheidt had told a committee studying the proposals that North Carolina had the best driver's license program in the nation. The two bills would eliminate the law which provided for the suspension of a driver's license upon a second conviction for speeding within a year and make the second offense of speeding within a year punishable by a fine of $25 and a third or subsequent conviction, punishable by a minimum fine of $50. Mr. Scheidt said that the law would throw out the "wonderful program" which the state presently had, which worked well. He said that speed caused most of the fatal accidents in the state and the fact that a person's license could be suspended if caught speeding twice in a year resulted in good driver attitudes and gave people the incentive not to violate the speed law. He said that most people who were convicted of speeding only did so once.
In Venice, Italy, the top
prosecution witness in the case involving the death of Wilma Montesi had begun her long-awaited testimony this date,
including an account of nude luncheons, dinners and teas, but, thus
far, not yielding the promised accounts of drug and sex orgies. The
female witness, dubbed the "Black Swan" by Italian
newspapers, had told the court that friends of one of the primary
defendants, a wealthy Italian playboy, had sought to get her to
retract her previous statements by offering "all the money"
she wanted. In pretrial hearings, the witness had claimed that the
same defendant had been the brains of a narcotics ring and that a
jazz pianist, son of a former Italian Foreign Minister, had been the
ring's assassin, charging that Wilma had died at or after a drug
party at the beachfront hunting lodge of the wealthy playboy, a claim
disputed by the young alleged victim's father and sister, who said that she would not
have been involved in any such behavior and had gone to the seashore
to remedy her sore feet and had died accidentally. The jazz pianist
was charged with manslaughter in the death of the woman, 20. Her body
had been found nearly four years earlier on the beach near the
hunting lodge. The playboy was charged with aiding and abetting the
pianist by trying to cover up the nature of the death. Minutes after
the woman had taken the witness stand, questioning turned to the
alleged drug and sex orgies which she claimed had been held at the
hunting lodge, which had been denied by both the playboy and the jazz
pianist. The witness this date, however, said that there was no room
at the hunting lodge for sex orgies, but at a game keeper's house,
there was "a nice room with a wide, soft bed" where she
said she often slept with the playboy. She said that they often had
lunch or dinner or tea stark naked at the house. She said that the
playboy had once chased her because she wanted to denounce the jazz
pianist to the polizia, explaining that she had not done so at that
time because she was afraid of the playboy, who had threatened her,
and, she asserted, she was madly in love with him anyway, as he had
said that he needed her and would never leave her. There must be a
song
On the editorial page, "Teacher Pay Deserves Top Priority" indicates that the Charlotte City School Board wanted a "fair and realistic increase" in pay for North Carolina teachers. It finds it a public-spirited attitude but wonders what was meant by a "fair and realistic increase".
It suggests that the Board would have contributed more to the debates before the Legislature by specifying an approximate figure, as a "fair" increase did not necessarily have to be "realistic" or vice versa in a state where there were so many justified demands and few tax dollars to meet them.
Governor Luther Hodges and the Advisory Budget Commission were doubtless seeking to be fair with their recommendation of 9.1 percent as an increase for teacher salaries, but did not contend that such an increase would be "realistic" in the state's effort to retain and attract teachers. The Governor hoped that local supplements would boost that figure sufficiently to make the teaching profession attractive.
But there was no guarantee that the supplements would be forthcoming and there was no recommended means of stimulating them. Yet, there was a definite need for teachers in the state, where not enough young people were training for the profession, while many who had trained for it were not entering teaching or were going elsewhere.
Meanwhile, North Carolina teacher pay had lagged increasingly behind the national average as well as the average of Southern states such as Florida, Louisiana, Virginia and Alabama.
It indicates that it did not believe that the state could be fair to all deserving competitors for the tax dollar, as it was not large enough, but that the state had to be realistic and assign top priority to preservation and strengthening of the teaching profession.
It was difficult for the public to judge how much teachers ought be paid. The State Board of Education advised and advocated for a 19 percent increase. It urges that the figure which was finally settled on ought be closer to the latter than to the Governor's recommended increase, unless the Governor could provide some expectation, rather than only a hope, that local supplements would be forthcoming.
"A Man's Conscience vs. the Law" indicates that one of American democracy's little ironies concerned the way lawmakers could give aid and comfort to conscientious objectors in wartime and yet refuse to offer any consideration for matters of conscience when Congressional investigations were involved.
Playwright Arthur Miller had been indicted for contempt after his refusal, on grounds of conscience, to name, in a hearing the prior June before HUAC, acquaintances attending a Communist-sponsored meeting some ten years earlier. He had provided complete information on his own past and made it clear that he had lost all sympathy with Communism long earlier. But he could not bring himself to be an informer at present and make public the names of individuals whose views he did not know and who may have attended the meeting innocently.
It suggests that the law might compel Mr. Miller to violate his conscience, but that the people who invoked the law in such a case had to feel a little queasy about their efforts, given the tradition of personal liberty and the right to dissent, far older than the statute used by the Committee. "There are rational and appropriate limits to the investigating power of Congress. These limits have been exceeded in the case of Mr. Miller."
The Herblock cartoon this date addresses the same issue, presumably serving as the inspiration for the piece.
"Big Dollar" indicates that on the eve of dollar days in Charlotte, local lawyers had offered the public a sizable bargain with the establishment of the Lawyer Referral Service, which it finds to be a genuine public service. For a dollar, a citizen could obtain legal assistance in determining whether or not the person had a problem remedial by law, and if the person did not, the dollar would answer his biggest question, whereas if he did have a justiciable dispute, he would be able to consult with an attorney capable of handling the case. It finds the new service therefore worth commendation and patronizing.
"The Sky and the Guard Are Intact" finds that the compromise reached between Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson and the National Guard appeared surprisingly sensible. The Guard leadership had accepted a requirement that its recruits would have to undergo six months of basic training instead of only 11 weeks, starting at the beginning of the following year. Both sides were in agreement on the compromise.
It suggests that a bemused public could only wonder why the sky was still present and be grateful that it was. Guard partisans had said that Secretary Wilson's proposal would wreck the Guard, destroy states' rights and create a Federal police force suitable for a dictatorship.
But despite the advantage given to the Guard by Secretary Wilson's slur against it by indicating that it had been a refuge for draft-dodgers during the Korean War, the Guard's brass had fully agreed to most of what Secretary Wilson wanted in the end.
It finds that sometimes, the propaganda wars appeared a little ridiculous. What was at stake was whether the Guard was adequately trained, which Mr. Wilson had disputed. "Logic, as well as a loose tongue, seemed to be on his side."
"Oh Vanity, Thy Spell Is Everywhere" finds a touch of smugness in the Pentagon's disclosure recently that special units were being sent abroad to enlighten the backward British on America's nuclear know-how. It wonders whether Washington's brass had been keeping up with the English press recently.
The London News Chronicle the previous month had stated that Britain was far ahead of the U.S. in nuclear research for war as well as for peace, that British scientists and American scientists had privately acknowledged that Britain's still-secret weapons projects would outclass anything the U.S. forces had or would have when the British projects were ready for service.
"Carrying coals to Newcastle?"
A piece from the New York Times, titled "The Root of Spring", celebrates poetically the coming of spring, as it does for all changes of the season.
Drew Pearson indicates that Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., had decided to give up his $60,000 contract as a lobbyist for bloody dictator Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic, whose latest reported involvement in the disappearance of Gerry Murphy, a pilot who reputedly had spirited Columbia University professor Jesus de Galindez out of the U.S., had been too much for Mr. Roosevelt. But the latter was having trouble with his lobbying partner, who made a specialty of lobbying for dictators, receiving about $75,000 per year from Spain. Mr. Roosevelt had informed Congressman Charles Porter of Oregon that he was not renewing his contract with Sr. Trujillo. But when his partner heard about it, he said that he knew of no change and later called Congressman Porter's office to say that there had been no change in the contract which he and Mr. Roosevelt had with Sr. Trujillo. Meanwhile, Congressman Porter had written letters to Congresswoman Katharine St. George of New York and the vice-president of Pan American Airways, as well as to Father Joseph Thorning, who had been active around Congress on behalf of both Messrs. Trujillo and Franco, cautioning them about the medals they were getting from Sr. Trujillo. Mr. Porter had suggested that they might want to read his speech he was delivering anent the murders in the Dominican Republic, prior to accepting or retaining their medals.
The previous July, John Seigenthaller, ace reporter for the Nashville Tennessean, had telephoned Teamsters president Dave Beck to tell him that two of his Tennessee Teamster bosses had police records and were involved in local shenanigans. He had also relayed the same message to Jimmy Hoffa, the "notorious Teamster czar" for the Midwestern states. Mr. Seigenthaller had yet to get an answer from either man. Meanwhile, Teamster activities in Tennessee were following a pattern which AFL-CIO President George Meany and most of the labor movement wanted cleaned up, but which was being condoned by Mr. Beck.
W. A. Smith, Nashville Teamster business agent, had numerous arrests for drunkenness and assault, but somehow witnesses had always seemed to be afraid to appear against him. In 1953, he had been arrested for beating up the general manager of an ice cream company, who had been ready to press charges. But when Mr. Smith had gone to trial, the victim refused to testify. On October 30, 1955, Mr. Smith had been arrested for assaulting the manager of the Terminal Transport Co., who hired an attorney to make sure the case would be prosecuted. But on the morning the case appeared on calendar, the lawyer announced that he was embarrassed, but that the victim would not testify. Recently, thanks to a campaign by the Tennessean, the climate had changed. Two Teamsters had been convicted of murder, and other Teamsters had been fined for contempt of court. Messrs. Beck and Hoffa, however, had done nothing to clean up the situation.
Stewart Alsop tells of Democratic bitterness in Congress toward Secretary of State Dulles, based in part on politics, similar to the more violent Republican bitterness against former Secretary of State Dean Acheson during the Truman Administration. There was, for instance, an obvious political element in the unanimous Democratic opposition to the Administration's policy on sanctions against Israel for not having withdrawn its forces from the Gaza Strip and the Gulf of Aqaba. Democrats were far more dependent than Republicans on Jewish votes and Jewish financial support.
But the anti-Dulles feeling among the Democratic leaders was not exclusively of political origin, as many Senators had genuine doubts about the wisdom of a policy which might see the country again aligned with Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt and the Soviets against Israel and the country's major allies. Memories of Republican campaign boasts about the "dynamic" foreign policy increased the resentment of Democrats that things should have come to such a pass.
Resentment had also been increased by the technique of Secretary Dulles in dealing with Congress, utilizing blatantly obvious methods to exert influence. For example, the "Eisenhower doctrine" had been provided in substance to the press before it was given to the Congressional leaders, and was then presented as a matter of life and death. Yet, when Secretary Dulles had testified on the proposed doctrine, it had soon become obvious that he could produce no hard evidence for its urgency, and neither he nor anyone else had any specific ideas about how, when, or where the sought money or presidential authority would be used.
Senator Richard Russell of Georgia had remarked, following the Secretary's testimony, that he felt "like a man in a darkened room wrestling with a moonbeam". Mr. Dulles had demonstrated a tendency toward condescension in his dealings with Congress. Until recently, his meetings with Congressional leaders had been in the nature of briefings rather than genuine consultations, considered tactless in dealing with Congress. He had also been tactless in other ways, for example, in his failure to answer an important letter from Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson for almost two weeks, reportedly prompting Senator Johnson to remark, upon receipt of a meaningless reply after some time had passed, "I have plenty of scratch paper already." It had also been tactless to propose recently that Congressional leaders ought journey to Georgia to see the vacationing President, with the leadership having tactfully pointed out that as far as they knew "Washington remained the seat of government."
The President had understood the point and returned to Washington and since that time, there had been a marked improvement in the atmosphere. The meetings of the Congressional leaders with the President and Secretary Dulles on February 20, and with Mr. Dulles alone four days later, had been free-wheeling and fruitful. Though the bitterness in Congress remained, it was distinctly more muted than it had been only a few weeks earlier, when at least two Democrats had denounced Secretary Dulles as a liar on the Senate floor.
Mr. Alsop finds it possible that some formula might be found to resolve the immediate crisis in relations, in which case the bitterness against the Secretary might subside, at least until an ensuing crisis. Otherwise, especially if the country actually voted to impose sanctions against Israel, the Secretary would again be the principal Democratic target. But even in that case, a final break from bipartisanship remained unlikely. Responsible Democratic leaders, such as Senators Johnson and Russell, understood that they had to go on living with the Secretary of State for the good of the country. And Secretary Dulles, as his belated but determined effort to ameliorate relations suggested, understood that he had to go on living with the Congressional leaders, for the same reason.
Doris Fleeson indicates that Congressional Democratic leaders had linked civil rights and the school construction bills in a desperate effort to get those issues behind them before they were confronted with another election year. In 1958, all House seats and a third of the Senate seats would again be up for re-election. The strategy of the leaders was to keep the school bill a safe distance behind the civil rights measures in both houses. The civil rights legislation, they assumed, would enable members for and against it to make their positions plain to their constituents. The leaders next argued that there would be no need to re-engage the fight on segregation regarding the school bill. House Democrats from urban districts were not at all sure that was so, but they were listening.
Senate liberals, on the other hand, had provided assurances that they would put the need for school construction ahead of segregation if and when the bill reached them. They might not do so if the House passed a school bill with the anti-segregation amendment included, as sponsored by Representative Adam Clayton Powell of New York. Senator Lister Hill of Alabama, chairman of the Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee, to which the bill would go in the Senate, was a liberal but not that liberal, for reasons which were self-evident, and his powers as chairman were great.
It was a foregone conclusion that the House, which could limit debate, would pass civil rights legislation. Senate Majority Leader Johnson had to deal first with a heavily right-wing Judiciary Committee, chaired by Senator James Eastland of Mississippi, and then with the likelihood of filibuster when the bill emerged from that Committee to the floor. Senator Johnson had taken the position, in discussion with his fellow Southerners, that the Administration, in conjunction with Democratic liberals, had the votes to win on the civil rights issue and thus that it had to be handled by the divided Democrats. His plea was for restraint on both sides so that the party would not be injured. He expected the House to act in time to enable him to make a civil rights bill his next major item of business in the Senate.
Civil rights advocates were exploring another idea to circumvent the Powell amendment, that the President, by administrative decision, could withhold all Federal funding for education from states whose schools were defying the law of the land set forth in Brown v. Board of Education, rather than making it a part of the House bill on school construction. The Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare, Marion Folsom, had been asked about such a possibility in the hearings concerning his Department's appropriations, and he had responded that it might be possible, but retreated somewhat when a direct question about segregated schools had followed.
Marquis Childs indicates that the South had, for the most part, withdrawn its support from the foreign policy of the country. For many years, the core of support for an internationalist policy had come from Southern Senators, there having been good economic reasons why that should be so, wanting to see products of their region, tobacco and cotton, move into the channels of world trade. The traditional low-tariffs stand of the South had been carried over into a more complex era in support of programs such as the Marshall Plan for the rehabilitation of Western Europe after the war.
Former Senator Walter George of Georgia had been the spokesman for that era, and his weight and dignity had helped to silence the growing doubts of his colleagues from the South. But he had been forced to retire in favor of Senator Herman Talmadge, who represented the new, aggressive South, determined to protect its own growing industry, particularly textiles.
Mounting surpluses of Southern agricultural products had also changed the attitude of Southern Senators. Rice production had become increasingly important in both Louisiana and Arkansas. Efforts to help Burma had been complicated by the fact that Burma's only product for export was rice, and Southern Senators had balked at aiding a competitor to enter markets to which surplus American rice might be exported. One of the sharpest critics of the policy of Secretary of State Dulles had been Senator Allen Ellender of Louisiana. Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas had made it plain that he opposed any further foreign aid on a large-scale.
Cotton was another product which loomed large in the formulation of U.S. foreign policy, being in part recognition of those complicating factors which motivated Senate Majority Leader Johnson to urge Democrats to hold their fire on Secretary Dulles. It would be easy to make the Secretary a scapegoat, as he had angered many Senators by his lack of candor in his testimony on the Middle East resolution, the so-called "Eisenhower doctrine", seeking presidential authority to send U.S. forces, including ground troops, to the Middle East if necessary to resist Communist aggression and to provide up to 200 million dollars of financial aid to the region in the ensuing year. But the political and economic pressures domestically and Democratic responsibility for some of those pressures had to be taken into account.
Senator Johnson was refraining from a personal attack on Secretary Dulles and from recommending his ouster, but was also not attempting to silence criticism of Administration policy, while also demanding real, as opposed to sham, foreign policy consultation with the Democrats. He believed that for the first time the Administration understood the need for such consultation. Thus, there was a good chance that there would not be a repetition of the irresponsible attacks on the Secretary of State which had marked the end of the Truman Administration.
A letter writer from Monroe indicates that there had been a time when the U.S. flag had been a symbol of decency and justice, giving tyrants cause to tremble and the oppressed cause to hope. But, he finds, it apparently was a new era, with America having a "weak-kneed" foreign policy. "Has this Republic reached the stage that it is willing to prostitute the human rights and respect of its citizens for an oil franchise?" He indicates that King Saud of Saudi Arabia had decreed that his country's hatreds and prejudices had to prevail under an American flag. He had decreed that American Jews could not be stationed on Arabian soil and that American Catholic priests could not conduct mass at U.S. bases in the country. The writer finds it an affront to the nation, professing to be a democracy. He finds the republic to be entering an era of shame, embracing the tyrannical royalty of a slave state and rationalizing it by being "so asinine as to minimize the number enslaved." Out of fear of antagonizing slaveholding states, the U.S. had refused to support the U.N. anti-slavery resolution. Liberia had moved to bar members of the white race from U.S. military missions. He finds it time that America had to prove to the world that Americans were Americans, irrespective of race or creed, with the country unable to afford to tolerate ethnic slander of certain factions of its people. "America must proclaim in the world that wherever the Stars and Stripes flies, so shall there be Americans without restrictions of race or creed."
A pome appears from the Atlanta Journal, "In Which Is Contained A Further Reflection On The Fact That American Females Now Outnumber The Males:
"With the women in the majority
We comprise a mere menority."
But is it a chauvinistic pejorative
To make such a cabalistic
declarative?
Framed Edition
Links-Date — Links-Subj.