The Charlotte News

Monday, January 14, 1957

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from the U.N. in New York that the U.S. had submitted a five-point disarmament plan this date, which would include a ban on further stockpiling of nuclear weapons and also a call for international control of space missiles, to go into effect only after an ironclad system of controls and inspections had been established to guard against violations or evasions. The plan was put before the General Assembly's 80-member political committee by U.S. Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., as the committee opened its general debate on the disarmament problem. The five major points were that an agreement should be reached under which all future production of fissionable materials would be stockpiled exclusively for non-weapons purposes under international inspection; that nuclear test explosions be limited and later banned, provided an agreement would be reached to control the stockpiling of fissionable materials, and that pending such an agreement, the U.S. would be willing to work out a system for advance notice and limited international observation of such tests; that the armed forces of the U.S. and the Soviet Union would be limited to 2.5 million men each and that those of Britain and France, to 750,000 each, provided the nations concerned could agree on progressive establishment of an inspection system, including aerial inspection, as proposed by President Eisenhower at the July, 1955 Big Four summit meeting, and for ground inspection at key points, as had been proposed by Premier Nikolai Bulganin of the Soviet Union; that the testing of all space missiles, including earth satellites and space platforms, would be placed under international control to ensure that their future development was limited to peaceful purposes; and that an international inspection and control system would be installed progressively to guard against surprise attacks, supervised by an international agency which would be established concurrently with the beginning of the overall program.

The Army this date, defying strong opposition from the National Guard, ordered compulsory six-month active duty training for all new Guardsmen. Secretary of the Army Wilber Brucker announced that the new policy would become effective on April 1, as recommended by Army chief of staff, General Maxwell Taylor, over the non-concurring view of the National Guard Bureau. The National Guard Association, which spoke for the 405,000 members of the Guard units in the states and territories, the previous week had denounced the Army training plan.

In Fairbanks, Alaska, nearly 50 persons had escaped a midday fire the previous day, in which one man had died and 14 others had been injured, including two women whose spines had been fractured as they leaped into fire nets, with the others having been overcome by smoke or suffering cuts. They had escaped by leaping into nets or climbing down shaky ladders in 51 below zero weather. More than 300 persons had been trapped in the new nine-story building. Although the fire, itself, had been confined to the basement, heavy clouds of smoke had swept up elevator shafts and stairwells, filling the halls and seeping into the apartments. The only known death was of a man who sought to escape by climbing to the building roof, only to find the door locked, dying on the stairway. One woman had tossed her heavily bundled six-month old baby seven floors to a net below and then jumped after her, both escaping serious injury. About 700 people occupied the 220-apartment building, but nearly half of the tenants had left to attend church or to go to work. Damage was estimated at between $10,000 and $15,000. No cause of the fire is indicated.

In New York, four small children, ranging in age between two and six, were in a welfare home after having been abandoned in a church by their mother, who said that she was "going away with the man I love." Police said that the 32-year old mother had been separated from her husband and was living on relief. She had left the children on Saturday night, along with a note, in the back pew of the Roman Catholic Church of Christ the King, in Queens, the note having been signed by "a heartbroken mother" who told of being "kicked around" all her life, indicating that she was getting a divorce and would remarry the man she loved. The note was tucked inside the pocket of the eldest child, 6. It promised that she would return for her children in about a year, that she had not abandoned them and wanted them back as soon as they could have a good home like other children. She asked that they be kept from being separated as she loved them very much. The children were taken to the New York Children's Shelter. After reading about the matter, the mother's brother contacted police, indicating he would take the children, but was turned down, at least temporarily. Police were seeking a boyfriend of the mother described by her brother as a 19-year old auto mechanic and nighttime law student, the police issuing a several-state alarm for him, focusing on Texas, as the youth reportedly had talked of seeking employment in the Texas oil fields.

In Hollywood, actor Humphrey Bogart died this date at age 57 of esophageal cancer. As late as the previous Saturday night, he had been talking optimistically with friends between customary scotches, giving no sign that the end was near. But Sunday morning, he had sunk into a coma from which he never revived. His wife, actress Lauren Bacall, was at his bedside at his death. Their two children, ages four and eight, were asleep nearby. His doctors said death was the result of the spread of the original malignancy. Unlike most victims of throat cancer, his voice had not been affected. He had been comfortable in his last days after a recent operation had removed some scar tissue on a nerve and afforded him much relief. He had recently told the reporter of the story, James Bacon, that he was "a better man than I ever was", never admitting publicly that cancer would beat him. If he knew that he was going to die, he had never let on to friends, though it had become a cocktail-hour topic around Hollywood. A New York newspaper recently had printed that his death was imminent, and when other newspapers and wire services had called his home to check on the story, Mr. Bogart had answered by saying: "What are the ghouls saying about me now?" Though he talked on-screen and off like a gangster, he had actually been born on Park Avenue in New York and his father had been a physician and his mother, a noted magazine illustrator. He had attended Andover Academy, one of the nation's finest prep schools, and had gotten into the theater early on Broadway. Mr. Bacon indicates that it was hard to imagine that he was the originator of the famous line: "Tennis, anyone?" He had started out as a patent leather juvenile, complete with blue blazer and white flannel pants, and still carried in his wallet his first notice, written by the late Alexander Woollcott, which read: "The performance of Humphrey Bogart could be described mercifully as inadequate." Mr. Bacon opines that perhaps his greatest stage success had been as Duke Mantee, in "The Petrified Forest". Mrs. Bogart asked that contributions be sent to the American Cancer Institute in his memory.

In Eastbourne, England, a doctor was accused this date of enslaving a wealthy 81-year old widow by turning her into a drug addict, then killing her with overdoses after she changed her will in his favor. The prosecutor stated to the court at a hearing that the defense might suggest that the doctor was merely easing the death of a woman already dying, as the doctor had stated to a detective of Scotland Yard on December 10 during the investigation of the death of the widow that "easing the passing of a dying woman is not all that wicked", that she had wanted to die, that it could not be murder, that it was "impossible to accuse a doctor." The prosecutor said that he had given the widow massive quantities of morphine and heroin, and had a "lively personal interest" in the will of the widow, who was known as an eccentric grower of dahlias. The doctor had received a Rolls-Royce and a valuable chest of antique silver under the will, and the prosecutor contended that he had been seeking to get her to leave him a safe deposit box full of jewelry which she kept at her bank. She had died on November 13, 1950 in a lonely mansion, the grounds of which were patrolled by a watchman and a dog. Her death certificate said that she died of cerebral thrombosis, and her body had been cremated, with the ashes, by her will, scattered over the waters of the English Channel. The town had the highest death rate in Britain.

The Memphis Press-Scimitar reported in a copyrighted story this date that a Drew, Miss., woman had been told by her doctors that she soon would give birth to quintuplets, probably four boys and a girl, the story indicating that the woman would enter a Memphis hospital, possibly this date, and that the multiple births were expected later in the week, perhaps by Thursday.

Julian Scheer of The News reports from Camden, S.C., in the first of two articles, telling further of the flogging over two weeks earlier of the high school band director, Guy Hutchins, on the night of December 29. His wife spoke hesitantly about the matter, only after a reporter had shown his identification, as she said she did not want to take any chances. Mr. Hutchins was a former resident of Charlotte who now taught at the Camden High School and played in the Charlotte Symphony Orchestra each Thursday night. Following a television appearance of the orchestra, he had driven back to Camden via Highway 521, whereupon, at Westville, about 15 miles north of Camden, had a flat tire, and as he was fixing it, was accosted by six hooded men, carried off to another part of Kershaw County, where he was tied to a tree and flogged. He was told that he was being whipped because of views he had expressed against segregation before a Lions Club meeting. He had told his assailants that they had the wrong man, that he had made no such comments, but one of the men had said that they knew him and called him by name. (Earlier, it had been reported that his wife stated that one of the men charged in the assault was her husband's friend.) A week later, the six men had been arrested and were later released on bond, with a trial set for the next session of court starting in February. The case had left a deep impression on Camden and some said that the town was gripped by a "reign of terror" and that the community had been seized with "fear", while others said that the case had done "no such thing". Some said that they believed race relations had nothing to do with the flogging, but many responsible citizens, including Mayor Henry Savage, said that the incident was but one of a series of related events which could be traced back to racial tension arising the prior July. In the early days of July, an interracial conference of white and black boys and girls had met on the campus of Mather Academy, a private black secondary school in Camden, sponsored, along with Browning Home, by the Woman's Society of Christian Service of the Methodist Church. The national WSCS organization had arranged the conference. White youths had lived and studied on the campus during the week-long conference, with the youths having come from Texas, Tennessee, Louisiana and West Virginia. But there was a South Carolina law against such an integrated meeting at a private institution, leading to tension. Some citizens nevertheless brushed aside the flogging incident as "personal" and indicated that other "events" had nothing to do with the flogging, that the incidents in the previous few months were unrelated, blaming the press and some citizens for blowing the situation out of proportion.

Emery Wister of The News reports that Piedmont Electronics & Fixture Corp., which had been a losing applicant for the long-sought television channel 9, this date had asked the FCC to reverse itself and award to it the channel, which had been provided to WSOC on December 13. George Ivy, Jr., chairman of the board of Carolinas Television Corp., the other losing applicant, said that he did not know whether attorneys for his firm had filed such an appeal, but indicated that they would likely do so, this date being the last date for seeking the appeal. The president of Piedmont said that his firm's action would not delay the airing of channel 9 as it was not seeking to have the FCC order WSOC to halt construction of its new station between Hickory Grove and Newell, which was in an advanced stage, with the station hoping to be on the air by late April or early May. The president of WSOC said during the morning that Piedmont's action would likely, however, delay the beginning of service.

In Detroit, a man heard a noise at the side door of his home, investigated and found that the door was gone, then saw a man running down an alley with it. Given the near-zero weather, the man said he was anxious to obtain the return of his door.

On the editorial page, "Sages & Seniority: A Strange Breach" tells of freshman North Carolina Congressman Basil Whitener, in a letter to the newspaper, having stated that a friend had sent him the News editorial page of January 7, with a cartoon by Hugh Haynie showing how seniority worked at the bottom of the Congressional totem, indicating that as the cartoon, reprinted with the editorial, was reproduced in Washington, the four new Congressmen from North Carolina had been standing around just as depicted, awaiting their committee assignments, "any decade now".

It indicates that the best for which a freshman Congressman could hope was a seat on one powerful committee, that with time and re-election, he might ultimately achieve a chairmanship and consequent a stranglehold on legislation in his field, irrespective of his actual worth or wisdom. Thus one of the South's worst spokesmen, Senator James Eastland of Mississippi, controlled the Senate Judiciary Committee, while one of its best, Senator Sam J. Ervin of North Carolina, counted himself fortunate to be given a backseat on the Senate Democratic steering committee. And even then, the Senator had to be careful, as the newest member of the committee spoke last, according to the rules of seniority.

But no one thus far had suggested a better system than seniority, for if ability were to determine committee assignments, it was questionable as to who would determine ability other than those who now operated the seniority system. And seniority had produced effective and wise committee chairmen.

It indicates that the previous week, however, the steering committee had breached seniority to give Senator John F. Kennedy a seat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee instead of Senator Estes Kefauver, who had four years more seniority—as explained by Doris Fleeson the previous Saturday.

It indicates that if the sacrosanct system could yield, as in that instance, to the purposes of presidential ambitions or to punitive measures exerted against Senator Kefauver for being "unsenatorial", then it ought be able to yield to the advancement of proven ability in the case of someone such as Senator Ervin over the obvious shortcomings of someone such as Senator Eastland.

It concludes that there was no ready substitute for the seniority system, but that there was much in the way of courage and disinterested leadership which could be brought to bear to improve it.

"Give a Cheer for the Liberal Arts" finds it refreshing that an American industrialist, Clarence Randall, former chairman of the board of Inland Steel Corp. and presently a special assistant to the President, was willing to warn against "technical hypnosis" and neglect of the liberal arts in education. In a series of lectures at Harvard the previous month, sponsored jointly by Harvard and the Fund for Adult Education, he had said that the society was behaving as if all problems could be solved by physical research and the application of engineering methods, when the lesson of his own business experience had been that it was not the case, that the art of management, even in an industry dependent for its success on the achievements of the scientist and engineer, required a broadly cultivated mind. He said that a general education was sound preparation for a career in business and that he was unhappy when most of the voices he heard in the business world praised only specialized education.

The lesson, it suggests, was applicable to American life in general, that while the need for technicians was great and that every effort ought be made to coax qualified students into scientific and technological careers, there should not be overemphasis to the neglect of liberal arts, as many of the problems of business, government and life in general could not be solved by reference to physical standards or the laboratory method of analysis and testing, requiring a varied educational background, a clear mind, the power of logical analysis, wisdom born of experience and a talent for communication.

Mr. Randall had noted with concern that Americans were reading continuously of the tremendous advances which Russia was making in the training of engineers and scientists, while nowhere hearing of the Kremlin boasting of the increase in the number of graduates it was producing in liberal arts, indicating that it might prove to be the Achilles heel of the Communist dynasty, that their economy might become lopsided through their worship at the shrine of technology, and that ultimate superiority might rest on maintaining in the U.S. the proper balance between those two approaches in education.

It concludes that the responsibilities of education required the cultivation of each approach without crippling the other.

"What Next? Gray Flannel Diplomacy?" indicates that if Madison Avenue had its way, gray flannel diplomacy would become even greater than brinksmanship or globaloney as a device to win friends and influence allies, having begun with the success of the perennial sales gimmick whereby the old lady from Dubuque had won 12 glorious weeks in Pismo Beach by telling, in 25 words or less, why she liked a particular brand of soap.

The New York Times had reported the previous week how far it had gone, indicating that a man from Madison Avenue had gone to the International Cooperation Administration with the idea that heads of government scheduled to receive aid ought be flown to Washington to testify before the appropriate committees, with each one beginning the testimony by explaining why they liked American aid. Nothing had come of the suggestion.

It suggests, however, that a Madison Avenue firm might yet develop other ideas involving box tops, coupons, saving stamps, special offers and Elvis Presley, though it would probably confirm ultimately the darkest doubts about the program in Congress when some account executive suggested a giveaway show.

A piece from the Montgomery Advertiser, titled "Altered Emphasis", indicates that on a farm in New York state, a bantam hen had made news recently by putting up a fight against a man who tried to rob its nest, leaving a mark on the 200-pound man.

It finds it a reminder that styles in chickens had changed within the memory of those living, that if one were an old timer, the person could remember when the worth of a strain of chickens was not measured so much by how much they would weigh at eight weeks as by the ability of the hens to fight off hawks and rustle a living for their brood.

Drew Pearson indicates that a slip of the tongue on a recorded broadcast had caused Senator William Knowland to shake up the politicians with the announcement that he was not planning to run again. He had been telling the truth when he said he wanted to spend more time with his family, as his wife, with two daughters and several grandchildren in California, was anxious to return there. The Senator called her frequently from his office each day, and his father, despite being 83 years old, was still the publisher of the Oakland Tribune, but also wanted the Senator to return home.

Also in the background was friction between the Senator and Vice-President Nixon, having been apparent to close observers for some time, cropping up again recently in a minor incident of which no one knew. When Republican leaders had been called to the White House for a conference and were about to depart, Mr. Nixon had been asked to stay behind, singled out, along with Senator Knowland, for special advice. It had been a small incident, but fit into the general White House pattern of bypassing Senator Knowland when chief of staff Sherman Adams wanted anything done in Congress. The Knowland-Nixon feud had been patched up the previous summer, and the Senator had emphatically supported Mr. Nixon for continuation on the ticket against the move by Harold Stassen to replace him with Governor Christian Herter of Massachusetts. In return, Senator Knowland was promised a greater part in molding American foreign policy. But the previous fall at the U.N., the Senator, as a delegate, found that he was forced to make statements in flat disagreement with Eisenhower policy.

As the Senate had opened on January 3, there was a showdown on Rule 22 protecting the right to filibuster, with Senator Knowland seeking to dissuade the Vice-President from asserting his opinion that the rule was unconstitutional because it essentially enabled a prior Senate to dictate rules to all subsequent Senates, on the theory that every Senate was a continuing body because only one-third of each Senate was elected every two years. Mr. Nixon's response had been that he had no other choice, implying that his opinion represented the considered policy of the Administration. Senator Knowland, according to friends, had replied that the President ran the executive branch and he was running the Senate.

Mr. Pearson indicates that all of those factors had contributed to the Senator's decision to retire at the end of his current term. He had expected to make the decision after the President's second inauguration, which he believed would be fair to the President, while giving him a fair degree of independence during the remaining two years of his term. But a slip of the tongue on a CBS broadcast had caused him to announce it on January 7, two weeks in advance. Griffing Bancroft had been transcribing his "Capitol Cloakroom" program on Monday morning for release that night and the Senator had been his guest. Mr. Bancroft had asked him if he had any plans to run for the presidency in 1960 and received a noncommittal answer, and then, with only 30 seconds left in the program, he had asked him whether he planned to seek re-election to the Senate in 1958, at which point Senator Knowland had replied that he did not, immediately having wished he had kept his mouth shut. He then called a news conference and made the announcement official.

Senator McCarthy, who had begun the session with a wild attack on the President, was seeking to drum up a presidential boom for FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, boasting privately that he could get his Texas oil friends to finance a campaign for the director, indicating that they did not like the President's "modern Republicanism" and were upset with him for vetoing the natural gas bill the previous year. He claimed that the wide publicity given the book, The FBI Story by Don Whitehead, was only the beginning of the build-up for Mr. Hoover for the Republican presidential nomination in 1960. Senator McCarthy predicted that the major issue by then would be communism and he charged the President with coddling Communists, claiming that the country needed a fighting anti-Communist like Mr. Hoover. The Senator's efforts, however, were embarrassing the FBI, with the FBI's press agent having told Mr. Pearson that they were not responsible "for what Joe does."

Walter Lippmann indicates that Secretary of State Dulles, in his public statement, had done little to clarify or make concrete the new Middle East proposal, which Mr. Lippmann believes was the result of the fact that what was actually new and of practical importance in the plan was difficult to discuss in advance, that being the authority and means to negotiate and bargain with unaligned Arab states. He supposes that Mr. Dulles was seeking to get Congress to vote the authority, men and money for the plan, without having to show his hand, by talking about something else, the need once again to warn the Soviet Union not to attempt to conquer the Middle East by war.

He finds that the plan had two related, yet separable parts, one being the warning not to commit overt military aggression and the other being a request for bargaining power to induce the Arab states not to become satellites of the Soviet Union, it being the latter which was somewhat novel, while focus was being placed on the former by the President and the Secretary. He suggests that it might be a good public relations device in dealing with the Congress, which was willing to take a firm stand to warn against aggression but was reluctant to sign blank checks, while the Administration wanted to make one package of both.

He questions whether it would not be better, however, to separate the warning from the bargaining power, as the warning could be adopted promptly and nearly unanimously. An alternative resolution being circulated by Speaker Sam Rayburn would be a declaration by Congress that "the United States regards as vital to her interests the preservation of the independence and integrity of the states of the Middle East and, if necessary, will use her armed force to that end." Mr. Lippmann suggests that it need not become a substitute resolution for that sought by the President, that Congress ought provide the authority and means to negotiate in the Middle East, but also ought act with deliberation, avoiding the impression that it believed war was imminent while being stampeded into signing away its control of the armed forces and the expenditure of money.

He posits that there was good reason for believing that breaking up the package and dealing with the two parts separately would enable Congress to make the overall plan more likely to succeed. One of the great effects of the approach taken by the Administration had been that it appeared to imply that in accepting U.S. aid, the Arab states would be aligning themselves with the U.S. against the Soviet Union, with certain of the key countries being unlikely to do that. He suggests that it might be better, therefore, to deal with the warning in one resolution and with the authority to bargain with the Arab states in another.

Stewart Alsop indicates that now that the President had given his report on the State of the Union, it appeared appropriate to provide a report on the state of the President, who, according to those who ought know, could be summed briefly as being good. He indicates that no President and probably no man in history had ever had his physical condition subjected to such careful and continuous scrutiny as had the President, with his doctors looking after him constantly and the mildest of complaints examined very carefully.

A few days earlier, the heart specialist, Dr. Thomas Mattingly, had performed a thorough examination and given the President a clean bill of health. Before his attack of ileitis the prior June, and the consequent operation, he had stomach cramps, which had been occasionally very painful and more often than generally known. But he had not had them recently, and so appeared better off than before the operation. Because of his health conditions, his doctors had determined that regular exercise was not only good for him but essential to his well-being. He went to bed early, usually by 9:00, and awakened early, usually by 7:00. He worked hard all morning but in the afternoon exercised with an unclouded conscience, as he was only following his doctors' orders. He got in some golf every fair day and swam regularly in the afternoon regardless of weather, utilizing the heated White House pool, sometimes alone and sometimes with a grandchild, often with his companion, George Allen, a perennial friend of Presidents.

He relaxed with a Western movie, the only movies he watched, a whiskey and soda or sometimes two, which had also been ordered by his doctors, and by playing bridge, usually with Mr. Allen, General Alfred Gruenther and William Robinson, president of the Coca-Cola Co. He was, according to those who saw him often, in an excellent state of mind as well as physical health. Occasionally, he still blew up over small matters, as when he had discovered that he had signed a proclamation fixing the date of Thanksgiving on the day fixed for a time by FDR, the third Thursday, rather than on the traditional fourth Thursday, becoming extremely angry. When such things happened, he would stare at members of his staff hard and repeat an old Army saying: "No explanations are required, because no explanations will be accepted." But, generally, he was calmer in spirit than he once had been. He still liked to get away, but no longer regarded the White House as a prison.

He still hesitated to use the full power of the Presidency and had a sense of inner assurance which he had lacked in his first years in the office.

Mr. Alsop adds two warnings to the optimistic report, first that there was no way to assure that a man with the President's medical history would not have accidents, and, second, that his enormous prestige was, in a sense, a positive danger to him. His staff members and most of the others with access to him were scared of him, less because of his temper than because he had come to seem somehow larger than life, in consequence of which hardly anyone was willing to stand up to him, argue with him, criticize his policies, or point out bluntly the dangers and difficulties ahead.

Democrats hardly dared breathe a word against him, while the President was more immune from press criticism than any of his predecessors. Even before his election in 1952, he had told friends that the great danger was that he would be transformed into a kind of miracle worker who could supposedly solve all problems with a wave of a wand.

Mr. Alsop regards the danger as now very real, to be taken seriously in a democracy, concluding that, meanwhile, it was good to know that the state of the President was good.

A letter writer from Great Falls, S.C., indicates that for 11 years since the U.N. had been founded, he had carefully observed it and had come to the conclusion that unless the Charter was revised to exclude the unilateral veto power on the Security Council by the five permanent members and substitute it by a majority decision of the General Assembly, with it amended to include the creation of a permanent international militia with sufficient power to enforce U.N. decisions, the Assembly would forever remain a useless debating body. About four or five years earlier, he had come to a more positive decision, that as long as the Soviet Union and its satellites held membership in the U.N., no peace could ever be procured and certainly no permanent peace. He favors finding a way to oust the Communists from the U.N., as they were the only obstacle to procuring permanent peace. He finds it a failing in the Charter conference of 1945 that it had not included a clause by which a permanent member could be expelled for failure to cooperate with the U.N. He thinks that the organization ought be dissolved if there was no way to expel a member. There was no need to hope further for the Soviet Union to change its tactics and expect cooperation from it, as 11 years experience with them in the U.N. should be sufficient time to know whether Russia or any other nation was earnestly desirous of working for peace, with only those nations to be accepted who had proved beyond doubt that they had been working unselfishly for peace. The Soviets had proved by their deeds that they intended to stall for time until they could divide the democracies and generate serious friction between them. They were on their way to success in that regard and because the current Administration had no definite foreign policy to follow and had blundered often, allies had lost faith in U.S. judgment, until, in desperation, they had taken a drastic step which had caused a split in the traditional alliance—obviously referring to the French-British invasion of Egypt the prior November 1 without first consulting with the U.S.

The problem with his solution, of course, is that expulsion of members considered to be of "the other side" would render the entire purpose of the U.N. a nullity, as, by design, it is an international body to work out grievances and crises without devolution to warfare, not just a Western body with Western interests, the purpose of NATO, also authorized by the Charter, as was the Warsaw Pact, as regional organizations designed to maintain and police the peace in those particular regions.

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