The Charlotte News

Monday, April 18, 1955


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that in Bandung, Indonesia, Iraq's Foreign Minister, Fadhil Jamali, had denounced international Communism before the Asian-African conference, which began this date, and received prolonged applause from many of the 29 delegations, while Communist Chinese Premier Chou En-lai and others from China, as well as the delegation from neutral India, sat in silence. Mr. Jamali had stated: "International Communism is a materialistic religion that breeds hatred among classes and peoples. Communism is a new form of colonialism much more dangerous to us than the old colonialism. No nation on earth is free from its effects." Iraq was linked to the NATO powers through an alliance with Turkey. Premier Mohammed Ali of Pakistan, which had a mutual aid treaty with the U.S., walked across the conference room and shook the hand of Mr. Jamali, congratulating him after the speech. The speech occurred as the chief delegates were delivering 15-minute policy statements, which appeared set to continue into the following day. Indonesian President Sukarno had opened the conference with a declaration that the population of Asia and Africa, totaling more than a billion people, could "inject the voice of reason into world affairs." Egypt's Premier Gamel Abdel Nasser steered clear of the East-West conflict in his first speech to the conference.

In Augusta, Ga., the President had received intelligence information that the Chinese Communists were engaged in "an extensive build-up" of air power on the mainland opposite Formosa, according to an announcement by Secretary of State Dulles to the press the previous day following a two-hour conference with the President. The Secretary said that the build-up had "grave implications" and was "more intense and more broad in its scope" than the U.S. had previously been aware until a few days earlier, that it indicated "a higher degree of capability" on the part of the Communists to launch an attack "than we had been aware of a few weeks ago." The statement had stirred new concerns over a prediction made the previous month by Admiral Robert Carney, chief of Naval Operations, a statement nixed by the White House afterward as inaccurate, that the Communist Chinese would launch an attack on the offshore islands of Quemoy and Matsu by April 15, that prediction having been reportedly revised to May 15, also attributed to Admiral Carney. Some newsmen still attributed the prediction to the Admiral, while others agreed with his testimony before a Senate Appropriations subcommittee, in which he said he had made no such prediction but had spoken only of Communist capabilities.

Fore... Look out, neighbor.

The Senate Investigations subcommittee began hearings this date to determine what could be done and what was being done to free U.S. flyers and other Americans trapped behind the Iron Curtain, with subcommittee chairman John McClellan of Arkansas stating that he thought it was time some committee of Congress took a "look-see at the situation". He said that the subcommittee, meeting in executive session with State Department and Air Force representatives, was intended as exploratory and that he was not aware of what course the inquiry would take or whether public hearings would be held at a later time. The immediate concern of the subcommittee's work was the release of 15 American airmen held by Communist China, 11 of whom had been charged with espionage, charges which the State Department had denounced as untrue. Senator McClellan said that one of the purposes of the inquiry was to find out how many Americans were being held in Communist China and behind the Iron Curtain generally. Senator McCarthy, the ranking Republican member of the Investigations subcommittee, had asked the President, in a letter the previous month, what he was doing "to secure the freedom" of 944 American servicemen, whom the Senator described as having disappeared "behind the Chinese Communist Bamboo Curtain."

In Budapest, Hungary's Communist Party made public this date its long anticipated purge of Premier Imry Nagy, as former Deputy Premier Andras Hegedus was elected by the Parliament to succeed him, shortly after a party announcement said that Premier Nagy had been stripped of power and all party posts for causing "grave damage to the party, to the people's democracy and to our social building." The announcement also said that a member of the party's five-man secretariat, thought by Western observers to be the logical successor to Mr. Nagy, had been ousted for supporting the ideas of the former Premier, and also was expelled from the party's political committee and central leadership. The ouster of the Premier had been anticipated since the party's central committee had rebuked him five months earlier for "right wing deviationism". (He was also probably guilty of preversions, which will be discovered next week.) He had espoused emphasis on consumer goods, which the Communist countries had quickly discarded after the demotion of former Russian Premier Georgi Malenkov the previous February. At its March meeting, the central committee had charged Mr. Nagy with being the "chief preacher of anti-Marxist ideas", which it blamed for a sharp drop in production. The ouster marked a return to the hard policy of the Stalin era and paralleled the emergence in Moscow of open domination by Nikita Khrushchev, Communist Party Secretary in Russia, with first secretary of the Hungarian Communist Party, Matyas Rakosi, now emerging in Hungary as the real power. Mr. Nagy had replaced Mr. Rakosi as Premier in July, 1953, four months after the death of Stalin. Mr. Rakosi, shortly after visiting Moscow just before the demotion of Mr. Malenkov, had announced a return to the Stalin-era emphasis on production of heavy industry and away from consumer goods, just as the pattern had developed in Russia. Mr. Nagy had been associated with the Communists since the Revolution of 1917, in which he had fought in Russia.

In Princeton, N.J., Albert Einstein, 76, had died this date in the Princeton Hospital after having been admitted the previous Friday at noontime with an inflammation of the gall bladder. He had been attached to the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton and had secluded himself from public contact in recent years. Born in Alma, Germany, on March 14, 1879, to middle-class Jewish parents, he had been swept into international fame by his theory of relativity, which he had formulated at age 26, in 1905. The abstruse theory had added a fourth dimension, time, to length, height and width, and formed man's basic knowledge of the measurement of matter, astounding scientists by disputing Newton's law of gravitation. The theory, which demonstrated that a small quantity of matter could produce astronomical quantities of energy, had eventuated in the research which led to the first atomic bomb. Dr. Einstein had viewed the atomic bomb, however, with misgivings, stating, shortly after the first use of the bomb over Hiroshima on August 6, 1945, "At present atomic energy is not a boon to mankind, but a menace." He also stated, however, that it might "intimidate the human race to bring order into its international affairs, which, without pressure of fear, it undoubtedly would not do." He had received the Nobel Prize in physics in 1921 for his theoretical work. He had asked that "every man be respected as an individual and no man idolized. It is an irony of fate that I myself have been the recipient of excessive admiration and respect from my fellows through no fault of my own." He had come to Princeton in 1933 as a lifetime member of the Institute for Advanced Study, after taking voluntary exile from his native Germany, where he had been listed as "an enemy of the state" by the Nazis, who had shortly before obtained power under Hitler. In recent years, Dr. Einstein had taken stands on many issues far removed from his theoretical work.

In Birmingham, Ala., the trial of former Phenix City prosecutor Arch Ferrell began this date on schedule, though the presiding judge was still considering a motion for continuance from the defense, contending that Mr. Ferrell could not receive a fair trial in Birmingham at the present time. The judge was awaiting voir dire of the jurors to determine the impact of pretrial publicity on them before rendering his decision. Mr. Ferrell, accused in the conspiracy to murder A. L. Patterson the prior June 18, shortly after the latter had won the Democratic nomination for State Attorney General on the basis of a campaign to clean up Phenix City, had risen to power during the heyday of vice in the town, including gambling and prostitution, catering to the Army trade from neighboring Fort Benning, Ga. One of the three co-defendants, former chief deputy sheriff Albert Fuller, had already been convicted of the murder and sentenced to life imprisonment, and his motion for new trial was pending. Former State Attorney General Si Garrett, also indicted, was still awaiting trial.

In Greensboro, N.C., in the Federal District Court trial of Junius Scales, accused under the Smith Act of teaching and advocating the overthrow of the Government by force or violence by the fact of his admitted Communist Party membership, further testimony was provided by a former FBI undercover agent, now a Charlotte attorney, who identified 12 persons he had known personally as members of the party during his association with Mr. Scales between 1948 and 1953. Several of the 12 persons had connections with UNC or Duke University. (They's all Commies up theya at them schools. Just ask ol' Jesse...) The undercover agent had been a law student at Duke in 1948 when he had first contacted Mr. Scales regarding Communism, and then had contacted the FBI, which had employed him to report on the party activities. Among the 12 persons he identified were an assistant professor at UNC, a Duke graduate student, another who was the party's state organizer, Mr. Scales, his first wife from whom he was now divorced, his second and present wife, two UNC undergraduate students, and Hans Freistadt, a former physics graduate instructor and student at UNC who had lost his Atomic Energy Commission-sponsored scholarship after it had been revealed to the late Senator Clyde Hoey in 1948-49 by another student that Mr. Freistadt had been writing letters to the student newspaper, the Daily Tar Heel, and giving talks on campus appearing to support Communist causes, the University having decided to terminate the scholarship, following a Senate inquiry into the matter, despite the fact that Mr. Freistadt was not engaged in work implicating national security. The Government alleged that Mr. Scales had led the party activities in the Carolinas and Tennessee. The undercover agent quoted Mr. Scales as telling him that there was an undercover agent operating in the Chapel Hill-Durham area.

In Charlotte, yeggs had struck again at one of the City schools the previous night, forcing open a safe in the assistant principal's office at Central High School, getting away, however, with only five dollars in cash, and breaking into a desk in one of the school's offices, taking approximately eight dollars in cash. They had then forced open a door leading to the school's cafeteria and had broken locks from the cafeteria refrigerator, taking a ten-pound boneless ham, six pounds of spicy hara, and a two-pound carton of creamed cheese. Really... It was the eighth school which had been targeted by safe-crackers since the start of the year. Why did they not take any crackers? Was it not safe?

In Jackson, Tenn., just as a National Guard plane climbed to 1,500 feet for a 500-mile cross-country flight, a snake stuck its head out of the instrument panel. The pilot said that he did not ask for the snake's pedigree, that at 1,500 feet, "snakes are snakes to me." He and his companion aboard immediately returned to the ground five minutes after takeoff. Guardsmen then removed the instrument panel of the aircraft to get at the snake, which turned out to be a 42-inch chicken snake, which they killed. But, are there other chicken snakes on the plane? And are there chickens for them to devour?

On the editorial page, "The First 100 Days: Slow Motion" indicates that typically in the North Carolina General Assembly, hair-splitting could go on continually while big questions remain unanswered, and that the current session was no exception to the general rule, following 15 weeks of "puttering" while still having come up with no tax program to supply the gap between anticipated biennium expenditures and necessary revenue to pay for them, being not much closer to agreement than they had been at the start of the session in January.

The prior Friday, a State Representative, who was chairman of a new tax committee, had said that Governor Luther Hodges had to take the leadership on the matter or they would be there until summer. The piece indicates, however, that the Governor had taken the leadership long earlier, offering his recommendations for a new tax program on January 6, with all the persuasive vigor which a North Carolina governor could muster, outlining his program in detail, presenting facts and figures from which the Legislature could then produce a program. The Governor had done his job, therefore, and the responsibility lay with the Assembly to complete the process. Yet, it had not done anything in 15 weeks but to produce further indecision.

The main issue was whether to levy a consumer tax on tobacco, still undecided after a Senate committee had voted 14 to 8 for the tax, while House finance committee members had voted 30 to 6 against it. A story making the rounds in Raleigh had it that some influential members of the Legislature wanted to agree not to agree and adjourn the session without raising the necessary revenue. That would result in a large deficit by the end of the ensuing biennium, producing a major problem for the 1957 General Assembly. Such a result would be completely unsatisfactory.

There was also other pending legislation, as the large appropriations bill had not been fully determined, the necessary legislation to protect North Carolina water resources remained stymied, and there had been no action on the much-needed state minimum wage law.

It concludes that after more than 100 days of the session, it was time for the Assembly to take forthright action, as the constituents' patience was beginning to wear thin.

"The Race Is to the Swift" indicates that while the General Assembly had dawdled over fiscal matters, the Congress had made at least a measure of progress, with the House having completed nearly half of its hearings on fiscal measures, passing five, with one having been passed by the Senate. The Formosa resolution, the issue of the West German treaties, and Congressional pay raises had also been passed. Debate and close final votes were anticipated on some other legislative matters, such as statehood for Alaska and Hawaii, post office employee pay increases, farm price supports, reciprocal trade extension, the Administration school and highway programs, the 3.5 billion dollar foreign aid appropriations bill, an increase in the minimum wage, an increase in the debt ceiling, and the recurring return to the Bricker treaty-power amendment, designed to limit the President's treaty-making capability.

It concludes that the Congress, as with the General Assembly, would have to ride hard to adjourn at a reasonable date.

"The Problem of the Unwed Mother" tells of there still being such a thing as social cruelty in the mid-20th Century, and that in the case of unwed mothers, it could be severe to an almost unbearable degree. The following day was the 72nd anniversary of the humanitarian program which had attempted to meet that problem, the Florence Crittenton Movement, which had been answering a great social need in a practical, realistic and humane way.

Charlotte's Florence Crittenton Home of North Carolina had been established in 1903, one of 53 such homes across the country. All of them operated under the principles: "To shelter and care for the unmarried mother and her child; to give friendship and guidance to the mother during this trying period; to enable the mother to make the best possible adjustment for both herself and her child when they are ready to leave the home." It also provided prenatal and obstetrical care through the staff of Charlotte Memorial Hospital and general health care from a variety of medical services in the city. Schoolwork was maintained through individual and class instruction, and employment skills were developed through individual and group activities plus wholesome recreation. A better understanding of personal problems was developed through casework and religious counseling.

The previous year, 243 unwed mothers had been cared for in the Charlotte home, 87 percent of them from North Carolina and the remainder from eight neighboring states.

It posits that the program was particularly valuable because, in addition to its service to individual mothers, it was helping to bring about a more realistic understanding and charitable attitude toward those young people, attempting to point out that the emotional instability which caused a young girl to have to go to the home had resulted from the same problems which caused a child to steal or lie or become involved in any other behavioral problem. It concludes that the Crittenton Home and the entire movement deserved the community's salute.

"Different Name" tells of the Mecklenburg County Commissioners having decided not to duplicate the City's name for its Park & Recreation Commission, and so, to avoid confusion, had dubbed their own the Parks and Recreation Commission, making plural the word "park".

A piece from the Mattoon (Ill.) Journal-Gazette, titled "Horse Trading", indicates that the economic and social order was struggling under handicaps when, for instance, it was observed that parents had to attend too-long PTA meetings, when cooks would not put a little cheese under the top crust of an apple pie and when people refused to dress warmly enough in the winter time. It indicates that 50 years earlier, solid citizens had matched wits in horse trades and that the principles which had governed those transactions were the ones which helped to build the nation.

It proceeds to explain the rules of horse trading, that before getting down to business, two men would discuss the weather, crop prospects, state and national politics and the abominable condition of the roads. A farmer would never be really interested in trading his horse, as "Old Jerry" was still a good horse, but he might be willing to let him go if enough cash were kicked into the trade. He would admit, upon questioning, however, that Old Jerry had a few problems, was maybe 12 or 13 years old, but still had plenty of years of hard work left in him.

It indicates that horse trading was an ancient and reasonably honorable art, but at least men had gone at it with their eyes open and with full knowledge of possible consequences. It suggests that perhaps if the Government had seen fit to train a few men in the art of horse trading, there would have been a salubrious effect on "this world of closer-fitting bonds."

Drew Pearson indicates that Secretary of State Dulles had his alibis pretty well established for the Senate examination on who had leaked the Yalta papers to the New York Times a short time prior to their release officially by the Government, one being the report that one of his State Department officials had been leaking for some time information on the Yalta conference of February, 1945 to certain members of Congress aligned with Senator McCarthy, and that long earlier, subordinates had proposed that the individual be fired. Another was the fact that new British Prime Minister Anthony Eden had, while still Foreign Secretary, cabled Mr. Dulles, asking that the Yalta papers not be published, as contrary to the wishes of then-Prime Minister Churchill. Mr. Dulles planned to blame his assistant secretary, Carl McArdle, for the leak to the Times, as Mr. Pearson had reported in his column of March 21. But he remarks that, as he had also stated on March 21, Mr. McArdle never did anything without consulting Secretary Dulles. After the leak had occurred to the Times, Secretary Dulles had begun to pressure the British to go along with the leak and so remembered Mr. Eden's very negative telegram of March 15. Yet, the following day, when Senators William Knowland of California and Styles Bridges of New Hampshire had asked Mr. Dulles about the leak, the latter had denied any knowledge of it, with Senator Bridges having quoted the Secretary as saying that he was "aghast" to hear of it.

The subordinates of Secretary Dulles wanted him to fire Bryton Barron, a longtime member of the State Department's historical section, for his reported leaks to the Congressmen sympathetic with Senator McCarthy and to U.S. News & World Report. At one point, the Department had decided to fire Mr. Barron and then reversed itself. Meanwhile, Scott McLeod, State Department head of security, was familiar with the leaks but had done nothing about them, stating to a Senate Judiciary subcommittee, when questioned regarding his feud with fired Edward Corsi, short-lived head of the State Department immigration section, that his relations with Mr. Corsi had been "very friendly", that despite Mr. Corsi's charge that Mr. McLeod had been a member of an "intolerable minority" who had been sabotaging the Government's foreign refugee program. Senator William Langer of North Dakota, chairman of the subcommittee, had decided to summon Mr. Corsi to provide more information on the subject. Mr. McLeod had been forced to admit the veracity of at least one of the allegations of Mr. Corsi, that only approximately 1,000 refugees had been admitted to the U.S. in the previous 16 months, clarifying, during questioning by Senator Langer, that the actual figure was 1,044, while the bill permitted the entry of 214,000 refugees and preference immigrants.

Archibald Henderson, professor of mathematics at UNC, in an excerpt from an article for Dalhousie Review, titled, "Bernard Shaw's Novels and Why They Failed", indicates that like some of his own ancestors who had come from Dublin to North Carolina, Mr. Shaw, who had died in 1950 at age 94, had been brought up on the Bible, The Pilgrim's Progress, The Swiss Family Robinson, Robinson Crusoe, and the novels of Sir Walter Scott, responsible in part for Mr. Shaw's anti-romanticism, as well as the adventure stories of Charles Lever, later reading Lord Byron, Shakespeare and Percy Bysshe Shelley, whom he had enshrined as his literary deity. He had also begun reading Charles Dickens at an early age and had continued to read him to the end of his life, continuing to pay tribute to him in both his critical and creative writings, stating that he had been "by far the greatest man since Shakespeare that England has ever produced" in fiction. He had, however, never lost the distinction between the genius of Mr. Dickens as a novelist and his character as a man, once remarking to Dr. Henderson that when he was young he had seen Dickens in person, presumably during one of his lecture tours, and had acknowledged that he was unfavorably impressed by his flashy dress, loud voice and over-effusive manner.

During the time between 1879 and 1883, Mr. Shaw had written five novels, averaging one per year, which had resulted in consistent refusal by British publishers. The first, titled Immaturity, had been a long autobiographical novel written in five months to reveal to the world how immature he was, and had succeeded in its purpose, never published until appearing as part of his Collected Works some 50 years later. The four remaining novels were titled The Irrational Knot, Love Among the Artists, Cashel Byron's Profession, and An Unsocial Socialist, all of which had been submitted to a total of around 60 British publishers and all virtually having received nothing except rejection, with the consequence that from 1876 until 1885 inclusive, Mr. Shaw had earned from his novels and periodical writings an average of a penny per day. Only his confidence in his own powers and his conviction that he belonged in the company of the immortals had enabled him to rise above one of the most devastating failures in the history of literature.

His novels generally, despite an occasional minor success in the Socialist and radical circles, had failed, and from a financial standpoint, badly. Yet, they had not been a complete artistic failure. Some 50 years earlier, the late James Huneker had stated that judging by the "supreme pages of his tales", Mr. Shaw could rank higher as a novelist than as a dramatist. Christopher Morley had said that as a dramatist, Mr. Shaw was a "great novelist gone wrong." An anonymous critic in The New Statesman had opined in 1930, "Shaw might, had he chosen, have taken that place in the English novel which has been unfilled since the death of Thackeray."

Dr. Henderson indicates that from the personal files which had been released since Mr. Shaw's death, it was possible to glean at least a tentative answer to why his novels had failed. Early in his acquaintance with Mr. Shaw, the latter had explained that he had arrived in England at an exceptionally unfortunate time historically, when he was not yet 20 years old, and just six years after the introduction in England of compulsory education, that the newly literate reading public, crude and undeveloped in their tastes, wanted only novels like the penny stories of the third quarter of the 19th Century, sentimental thrillers dealing with beautiful, dumb heroines and brave, dashing heroes, not infrequently criminal in nature. The new readers wanted scenes of burning love and daring adventure by writers of fiction eager to tell lucrative lies for their diversion. The callow Mr. Shaw would not and could not qualify for that role, writing instead for possible readers with speculative intellects "restlessly cerebrative", who craved exhibitions of character and suggestions of social problems. He did not understand the uncultured, fox-hunting, country-house, English aristocracy, regarding the British as barbarians deficient in literary and musical culture and in aesthetic sensibility.

Dr. Henderson indicates that the style of the young novelist, "jejune and stilted, was a model of literary propriety, with meticulously executed sentences and paragraphs of pedantic precision." Mr. Shaw had stated that he would write nothing which would not be intelligible to a foreigner with a dictionary and thus avoided idiom, characteristic of the fashion of the day when persons of quality in fiction spoke with a "decorous stylishness which made them appear unnatural, with only those characters of humble station speaking idiomatically." His younger incarnation as a writer bore no resemblance to the later version, who, in his plays, displayed "pliant, expressive, idiomatic style". Mr. Shaw, in 1905, after being influenced as a Socialist by economic questions, had remarked: "If I failed [as a novelist] to create a convincingly veri-similar atmosphere of aristocracy, it was not because I have any illusions or ignorance as to the common humanity of the peerage, and not because I gave literary style to its conversation, but because, as I had no money, I had to blind myself to its enormous importance, with the result that I missed the point of view, and with it, the whole moral basis, of the class which rightly values money, and plenty of it, as the first condition of a bearable life."

Mr. Shaw regarded the failure of his novels as being not from lack of literary competence on his part but rather from the "antagonism" from his hostility to "respectable Victorian thought and society." Dr. Henderson regards that as the subjective plea of the Socialist and moralist, not the objective judgment of the literary critic, and that his novels had been "strangely unreal, largely because the characters are two-dimensional and the plots are episodic." His three-dimensional characters had first appeared in his plays, beginning with Candida, and he had created a type of "disquisitory and discursive" play to which episodic treatment was natural. "Shaw was predestined to practice the art of fiction, but, for him, the novel was the wrong medium."

Walter Lippmann, a new regular syndicated columnist for the editorial page, indicates that since his return from East Asia, Secretary of State Dulles had been talking a great deal and in ominous language regarding the theme that the country had to determine decisively not to retreat any further in Asia. He had not made those statements, however, with the precision necessary to clarify the issues and define and declare the policy going forward, rather merely exhorting Americans with generalities which were designed to whip up popular emotion. The tone had created the impression at home and abroad that Mr. Dulles had been converted to the view of those who regarded a war with China as inevitable and that it therefore should be fought presently when the U.S. could destroy Communist China's war potential rather than postponed to a time when the Communist Chinese would be much stronger.

Mr. Lippmann says that he did not share that opinion, insofar as Mr. Dulles had come to believe in preventive war, though no one would be surprised that what Mr. Dulles had been saying had given rise to such an opinion. He did not sound as a man who had come to a great decision and then resolutely and confidently adhered to it, but rather as someone who was anxious and filled with foreboding, as if he had suffered a great shock while in Southeast Asia and Formosa, not as a leader of people in a dangerous time who could transmit courage and conviction to the people, but rather appearing as unsure in his own mind. Mr. Lippmann believes that his sense of despondency, approaching at times a sense of doom, came from Mr. Dulles having realized that it was not so easy to appreciate at a distance what he had seen now first-hand, the frailty on which the country was now dependent in Asia.

The problem was that the parts of Asia on which the country depended were threatened even without Communist military assault, a type of insidious threat from within and against which U.S. military might could afford no defense. Thus, exhortation to Americans not to retreat likewise had no effect, as the real problem was how to keep those Asian allies, especially regarding the Formosa Strait, from falling apart.

Mr. Lippmann indicates that he could not see how war-like speeches about the conflict regarding Formosa and suggestions of use of atomic bombs if necessary to combat against it, could provide a rallying point around which those allies in the Far East would gather strength when they were being threatened with Communist propaganda and hints of use of force to instill it. He regards it as more likely that the nearer an atomic war in the Formosa Strait appeared to be, the more urgent and imperative would be the will of the other nations of Southeast Asia to extricate themselves from their exposed positions within the military sphere of the U.S. He regards it as a paramount objective of U.S. policy in that part of the world, therefore, to be creation among those threatened peoples of a conviction that in friendship with the U.S., they would find security for their countries and for their own lives. While it was essential to provide a guarantee to them against external aggression, that alone was not enough, and it was no less essential to convince them that the U.S. would not become entangled and they would not be involved "in wars fought elsewhere and for causes that are not their own."

A letter writer indicates that the state legislators had sold out the voters by not calling for a statewide liquor referendum. He believes the legislators loved liquor and the revenue from it more than they loved safety on the highways, the souls of men, women and little children, and trying to prevent the destruction of homes by "this demon". He suggests that if the nation were rid of alcohol, God would take care of the other plagues, such as polio, heart disease, tuberculosis, and cancer. He cites Second Chronicles in the Bible as his authority and concludes that "friends of Christ" were needed in office.

A letter writer indicates that in 1775, the "fearless men of Mecklenburg" had adopted the slogan, "no taxation without representation", and that General Washington had led the fight to victory, then refusing to become a king. But now his face on the dollar bill represented the "King of the Great Bell Empire" which was fighting for "Condemnation without Arbitration", referencing the strike of the Southern Bell workers in nine Southeastern states. He says that "King Dollar" had been substituted for principle and the descendants of the fearless Mecklenburgers were now knuckling under in fear, leaving the fight to others, as there was a "vast army of Mercenary Scabs" at work in the Charlotte area. He thus believes it no wonder that the wage scale of North Carolina ranked 44th among the 48 states.

We don't need telephones. Turn them off. George Washington and his men had none, only Paul Revere and his equivalent town criers and minute men, plus a newspaper or two—the latter medium perhaps explaining how it happened that John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, instrumental in the creation of the Declaration of Independence and the Founding of the nation through its early life, happened to die on the same day, a few hours and 500 miles apart, the one in Quincy, Mass., the other in Charlottesville, Va., precisely 50 years after affixing their signatures to the document on which their fates and those of all Americans depended through and after the Revolution—a play regarding which we appeared as original signer Francis Hopkinson, occupying a major role in same, in the fifth grade, our time as a child prodigy able, as it were, to tackle adult roles with aplomb and without disclosing the deceit of lacking chronologically sufficient years for verisimilitude sans makeup. We had no phones capable of being taken to school then either, without the facility of a very long extension cord not generally available to the masses not favored by Western Electric, and without suffering the least sense of consequent necessitous circumstances for the lack thereof during the several hours of unremitting, rapt attention to the task at hand. Too much uninformed yammering about this or that leads only to confusion. Throw your telephones in the nearest river and be done with them. Then there will be no more need for the strike and all of its manifold problems, no more need to cut lines in sabotage, or, in sympathy, to derail trains, placing the safety of people having nothing to do with Southern Bell at great risk, all for a few extra pennies per hour so one can afford to buy a new car, thereby supporting the big steel companies who also want to cheat the workers, a car which is slated for planned obsolescence within three years anyway, a royal piece of crap, just like the Timex on your wrist, which keeps on ticking so long as you don't overwind it and bust the spring. Then what? It is a hopeless treadmill. Throw away your phones. The relentless, evil prattle all starts its media creep there.

Incidentally, though six years ago, during the last pre-redemption year, we did not have access to the May 18, 1949 editorial page, for we did not have the long distance communication necessary to check on the matter and ascertain its existence or not, it having been skipped in our files at time of original retrieval from Wilson Library at UNC by our retriever, who did an otherwise excellent job of retrieving, we have now such capability and have determined, within the time-space continuum, that it is, in fact, extant, after all, and so here it is, for those who crave completeness to the extent humanly possible, though we have never and probably never shall reduce its matter to digested print herein. We did not intend slight to the date, it having been by mere adventitious circumstance that its omission took place, and now that it has been recalled to our attention by dint of mention of Hans Freistadt on this date's front page, though they misspelled his surname, we have now been able to provide it you and without surcharge for its inclusion. We doff our hats in humble obeisance to your patient grace in forgiving our unwittingly unkind oversight then, and so until now...

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