The Charlotte News

Friday, April 15, 1955


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Moscow that the Soviet Government had this date called for speedy conclusion of an Austrian independence treaty and withdrawal of all occupation troops from Austria no later than the end of the current year, via a joint Soviet-Austrian communiqué issued during the afternoon in which the Austrian Chancellor, Julius Raab, had assured Soviet Foreign Minister V. M. Molotov that Austria would not join any military alliances or permit the establishment of any foreign military bases within its territory. The Soviets also pledged to settle reparations against Austria for the equivalent of 150 million dollars worth of Austrian goods, to return to Austria all former German property within the Soviet zone, including the Danube Shipping Co., and to return the Austrian oil fields and refineries which the Russians had been operating during their ten-year occupation of the country. Austria had agreed to deliver the Russians crude oil in an amount to be agreed on between the two nations, in exchange for the return to Austria of the oil properties, and had agreed to pay a sum yet to be determined in exchange for return of the Danube Shipping Co. property. The communiqué also stated that the two countries had agreed to begin negotiations in the near future to normalize trade between them and that the Soviets took a favorable view of return of all Austrian interned civilians and war prisoners, following withdrawal of Soviet occupation troops. Mr. Molotov, Chancellor Raab and their aides had been engaged in negotiations in Moscow since Tuesday, and the communiqué was issued two hours after the Chancellor had left for Vienna aboard a Soviet military plane, saying that he and his aides left "happy people". The Soviets had made their independence of Austria conditioned on a guarantee by the other three occupying powers that Austria and Germany never would again merge, as had been the case during Hitler's regime, in 1938, at the time of Anschluss, though the point had not been included in the joint communiqué. The agreement would now have to be approved by the U.S., Britain and France, the other three occupying powers, before it could be incorporated into an independence treaty, which would then have to be ratified by the four occupying powers. It was anticipated that a Big Four meeting would be called soon to conclude such a treaty. The Austrian Deputy Chancellor said that Western agreement to the new treaty provisions was almost certain, after the Austrian delegation had been keeping the Western allies abreast of the developments at the Moscow conference. State Department officials had stated the previous day that Russia's reported attitude at the conference had been "encouraging".

Before a Senate Judiciary subcommittee this date, State Department security chief Scott McLeod testified that he had set out to prove, following passage of the 1953 refugee relief act, that its critics had been wrong in saying that it would not work. He said that he had viewed that as a challenge to make it work by successfully administering the emergency immigration program. He was the first witness before the subcommittee as it began public hearings on the termination of Edward Corsi as the Assistant Secretary of State for immigration, fired only 90 days after having been hired to the post, with the post having been eliminated, while Mr. Corsi was being heavily criticized by Representative Francis Walter of Pennsylvania, co-sponsor of the 1952 Immigration and Naturalization Act, after Mr. Corsi had described the Act as "un-American" for its establishment of quotas based on national origins. Mr. Corsi had stated after his dismissal that the refugee act had been sabotaged by "an intolerant minority" in Congress and the State Department, including Mr. McLeod, among others. Mr. McLeod detailed difficulties he had encountered in placing the "complex law" into operation, stating that he felt "something of a record" for speed had been established in drafting and publishing regulations for administration of the law. He said they had to be worked out with several other agencies, which had been accomplished in just 120 days after the law had been enacted in August, 1953. In response to questioing by the refugee act's sponsor, Senator Arthur Watkins of Utah, he said that he was under a great deal of pressure from groups interested in immigration to speed the program along, and that he had been exerting pressure on subordinates to make the law effective as quickly as possible.

In Atlanta, it was reported that operations had been halted by picketing this date in U.S. Steel's giant Fairfield, Ala., plant, the largest steel mill in the South, while a general strike in Birmingham loomed in sympathy with striking telephone and railway workers. A United Steelworkers union district director reported that the plant, which employed about 20,000 workers, was closed by mid-morning, and a company official said that a survey was underway to determine to what extent operations had been impacted elsewhere. The United Steelworkers representative predicted that all businesses and industries in the Birmingham area would feel the effects of the strike.

In Raleigh, Governor Luther Hodges told newsmen at his weekly press conference this date that if he had to make a choice between a tax on soft drinks and one on tobacco, he would tax soft drinks, as a means to raise necessary revenue for the coming biennium. He said that he anticipated that the General Assembly would come around, after a scrap, and reach agreement on the tax issue. He also praised Assistant Attorney General I. Beverly Lake for his oral argument on behalf of the state before the Supreme Court two days earlier regarding the implementing decision in Brown v. Board of Education, stating that he was impressed by the presentation, that Mr. Lake had been "straightforward, logical and impressive" and appeared to have received at least "courteous and attentive" reception from members of the Court. Mr. Lake, an unsuccessful gubernatorial primary candidate in 1960 and future State Supreme Court Justice, had argued for delay in implementing desegregation to afford the state time to work out local problems and enable the population to accept the notion of integration, to avoid a "death blow" to the state's public schools and "turmoil and confusion from which only our enemies could derive any satisfaction."

In Greensboro, N.C., defense counsel for Junius Scales, accused in Federal Court, by the fact of his admitted Communist Party membership, of violation of the Smith Act, prohibiting the teaching and advocacy of the overthrow of the Government by force or violence, sought to discredit the testimony of an FBI undercover agent, presently a Charlotte attorney, who said that he had spied on Mr. Scales while posing as a member of the party. During cross-examination this date, the undercover agent said that he reported to the FBI between once or twice daily and once per month during November and December, 1948, during his early acquaintance with Mr. Scales, stating that some of his reports had been typewritten, some telephoned to the Bureau, and some scribbled on the back of a matchbook or on tissue in a bar. Late in 1949, Mr. Scales had put into effect much stricter security measures regarding their meetings, requiring the undercover agent, when he met at the home of Mr. Scales in Carrboro, to go across a field, through an alley and into the back door, always at night, and that their meetings in automobiles had also become more frequent during that period to reduce the chance of being seen together. When asked how he had become aware of Communist activity in the area of Chapel Hill and Durham, the undercover agent stated that a man had predicted to him that people would show up in sizable voting strength to support the Progressive Party campaign of former Vice-President Henry Wallace in 1948 and that the electoral showing would be the signal for the revolution. He also said that he had been told that a reporter for a Durham newspaper had attended Communist meetings and had heard party members advocate violent revolution.

Donald MacDonald of The News tells of safe-crackers having broken into the Park Road School the previous night, the seventh school to be hit in a series of safe-crackings or attempts at it within the city and county during the previous four months. The intruders had failed to make away with anything of value, but, according to the school's principal, they had wrecked several doors and broken windows throughout the building. It was the second break-in of a school building during the week, after yeggs had knocked the dials from a safe after breaking into the principal's office of the Elizabeth School on Tuesday night, with evidence showing that the thieves had sought to blow open the safe door with explosives during that entry. In the attempted safe-cracking the previous night, the thieves used a pole of a type used in lowering or raising windows, and when that had apparently failed, broke into a room where stage equipment was stored and took a shepherd's crook used by the children in a Christmas play and sought to fish articles through a hole they had made in the safe's walk-in door. When that failed, they had bent a wire flower stand into the shape of a book and sought again unsuccessfully to pull things from the safe. The principal said that they had also broken a door glass inside the school cafeteria, smashed open a cash box which contained no money, ripped a telephone pay station box from a wall, all resulting in a haul of about 50 cents to a dollar. It lists the other school break-ins which had occurred since January 4. The thieves who entered the Park Road School perhaps needed to practice up at the fair during the fall in the crane game. At least they could provide their children, should they have any, with lunch money for a day or two.

In New York, a female secretary said that the previous day she had submitted $11.71 in cash through a bank teller's window and asked for a certified check in return to make a quarterly payment on her state income taxes, and the teller made out the check and gave it back to her in an envelope, which the woman then placed in her purse without examining it, then returned to her office intending to mail it later. About an hour afterward, perturbed bank officials had located her and asked if they could have the check back, for it had been made out for $2,300,011.71. Had she been quicker on the draw, she might have sent the check on to the yeggs in Charlotte for having gone to all that trouble in busting into the school for so little reward.

Charlotte Mayor Philip Van Every and his wife would leave this date for Holland as the guests of the Bulb Growers Association and the Government of Holland. The invitation had been extended because tulips grown in Charlotte had been adjudged to be the best of all grown in many Southern cities, after the Holland bulb growers had sent their bulbs to numerous Southern cities the previous year and offered the free air trip to the mayor of the city where the best tulips were grown. The engineer for the Park and Recreation Commission, who had planted the bulbs in a bed on the island in the lake of Freedom Park, had sought the advice and assistance of J. B. Ivey, the department store executive and champion tulip grower. A picture shows the champion tulips and Mr. Ivey. The Mayor and his wife would simply tiptoe right out of Charlotte. But it seems that they really didn't have much part in the production of the champion tulips. Guess that's just the way it goes…

In Tallahassee, Fla., a man was awakened by a shotgun blast, which probably saved his life, as he sat up in bed to find his house on fire, the heat having caused the gun to discharge. Lest the Second Amendment "rights" people go crazy at having discovered, at long last, a beneficial purpose for guns, nowadays we have something called smoke detectors for the purpose.

In New York, entertainer Arthur Godfrey this date fired six more performers from his television and radio shows, but had not done so on the air, as he had in October, 1953, when he had publicly fired Julius La Rosa. CBS announced that Mr. Godfrey had discontinued the services of the Mariners Quartet, Marian Marlowe and Haleloke, all of whom were singers. Three writers, Charles Warner, Preston Miles and Charles Slocum, were also terminated. Mr. Godfrey had made no mention of the terminations during his morning show.

Walter Lippmann, as noted in a front-page story, was joining the list of syndicated editorial writers for the newspaper, with his first piece appearing this date.

On the editorial page, "Highway Safety: Laws into Attitudes" indicates that in 46 years, the state's motor vehicle laws had grown by irregular enactments, producing a crazy-quilt pattern of statutes and ordinances.

The state had never required a license for a horse and buggy and had not appeared to think it necessary to acquire a license for automobile driving when the horseless carriage had first appeared on the roads. It was not until 1913 that the state required that a driver be at least 16 years old to operate a motor vehicle, and not until 1917 had the state required that a driver possess the physical capacity to operate a motor vehicle with a reasonable degree of safety, or the mental capacity to control its operation. Not until 1935, had the state prescribed more than the barest minimum requirements for driving or conducted any qualifying examination for licensure.

Now, a Mecklenburg County State Representative wanted to fill in some of the other gaps remaining in the motor vehicle laws and reduce some of the commonly recognized rules of the road to statutes. It regards the bill as a major contribution to highway safety in the state, one which was long overdue. Such things as yielding the right-of-way and dimming headlights at night when meeting traffic were finally provided for within the proposed bill, and reckless driving was redefined to eliminate some of the legal complications which had arisen in the courts. The measure had been approved the previous day by a House Judiciary Committee and the piece urges that it should be passed by the full House.

It indicates that laws alone would not reduce motor vehicle accidents, that the laws had to be enforced and drivers had to obey them. Rules could thus be translated into attitudes, and only by constant attention and effort on driver attitudes could officials probe the heart of the traffic safety problem within the state.

"The Road to Progress Is Rocky" tells of there being few plans for civic progress which had faced as many legal barriers as the proposal for building a new wing for black patients at Charlotte's Memorial Hospital. The adverse ruling of the Local Government Commission on the matter of issuing a $250,000 bond for the preparation of blueprints for the project was the latest in a long line of frustrating setbacks, though that system was designed to protect the citizenry and maintain all public ventures in the open, necessary checks and balances in a democracy. (It leaves out the earlier advice from a New York law firm hired to handle issuance of City bonds, that it was probably illegal under state law for a bond issue to be floated on the basis of mere planning for a project, as there was no guarantee that the project would come to fruition, thus rendering the bonds potentially worthless.)

It finds, however, that the cause was deserving and that the plan was an answer to the great and growing need to provide adequate hospital facilities for the city's black population, and it urges, therefore, that the battle for the desperately needed project continue.

"Uncle Sam Will Head the Show" indicates that Secretary of State Dulles had answered Adlai Stevenson's recent nationwide radio broadcast speech on the Far Eastern situation with a statement which had been eloquent but illogical, saying that Mr. Stevenson had spoken feelingly about the country's allies but had forgotten one ally, Nationalist China, on the loyalty and resources of which, "the free world must primarily depend for the defense of Formosa."

It regards the statement by Mr. Dulles as either wishful thinking or concealment of the truth, as it was actually on the shoulders of the U.S. to defend Formosa from falling to the Communists. The country was now in too far to back out of that commitment, and if the Chinese Communists attacked Formosa with any real force, the U.S. would have to resist that attack. There would be assistance from the Nationalist troops but only assistance, as only the U.S. had nuclear firepower and the powerful naval force and air power sufficient to resist such an attack.

It concludes that perhaps Chiang Kai-shek's troops would have to meet the first blow, but the U.S. would have to finish the job.

"Welcome to the I.O.U.S.A., Brother" urges blaming it all on a cagey Egyptian, Zaphnath-Paaneah, who had combined dream analysis with economics to make a killing at politics some 3,000 years earlier, figuring out the 14-year crop cycle produced by the Nile River's flood behavior and so had told the Pharaoh to appoint officers over the land and take up one-fifth of the produce in the seven most plentiful years and store the food against the seven years of famine. Thereby, Joseph, as he was better known, with his coat of many colors, had promptly made it a law that Pharaoh should have the fifth part, the beginning of the income tax, which would be due this midnight, a streamlined version of the 3,000-year old technique. Others, in the meantime, had also figured in development of the income tax.

It had come to the U.S. during the Civil War, but soon questions were raised as to its constitutionality, which was fixed by the 16th Amendment, such that ever since World War I, the income tax had been the Government's chief source of revenue. Politicians had been railing against it for years, as early as 1870, but the country was stuck with it. It quotes from Franklin P. Adams in an essay a few years earlier and from P. G. Wodehouse, regarding certain wishful thinking about the process. It also quotes from actor Errol Flynn, that his main problem was reconciling his gross habits with his net income. George Jean Nathan, one of the founders, along with H. L. Mencken, of the Smart Set and then the American Mercury magazines, had said in print a few years earlier that the Government regarded the citizen "either as a downright and deliberate perjurer or as a man congenitally unable to resist mendacity." Senator Homer Ferguson of Michigan had said that the only way one could make any real money in the United States was to make a deal with the tax collector.

The piece adds no words of sympathy, just urges the reader to sign one's name on the dotted line and join America's "biggest fraternal order—the I.O.U.S.A."

A piece from the Louisville Times, titled "Man, That's the Least", tells of having concluded, after watching a television program of alleged humor, featuring two comedians, one having said to the other, "Man, you are the greatest," to which the other replied, "Jack, you are the most," even though his name was not actually Jack, that such dialogue was natural enough for an industry which made verbs of such respectable nouns as pan and dolly and nouns of such words as spectacular. It says it was aware that it would do no good to point out that while a television program might be spectacular or even a spectacle, it could not be a spectacular. Nor would it do anything by asking at what the comedian was the greatest or the most.

But it does protest the effect such talk was having on the younger generation. Things were now "real George", when they had no relation to anyone named George, or "real gone", when they had not been in any manner departed, producing communication among the younger set which was already in danger of complete collapse, without the added irritant of the adjective-nouns. It posits that there was a limit to what the parent could stand, a fact which had been brought home to the editorialist recently upon hearing a bright nine-year old refer to her babysitter as the "jazziest". It concludes: "Man, that's the least."

Be thankful that she did not refer to her as an iconic babysitter, substituting for yesteryear's "awesome" babysitter, maybe, gosh, the awesomest ever, that that's the way it had went down, dude.

Drew Pearson tells of former President Truman having never said anything about the fact that when he first returned to Washington after retiring two years earlier he had felt a little hurt that the President had not invited him to the White House. President Truman had invited former President Hoover to the White House as one of his first acts after becoming President. Mr. Hoover had not been to the White House since the day he left office on March 4, 1933. President Truman had told him that he wanted him to know that any time he was in Washington, the White House would be his home and that he would feel hurt if the former President did not drop by. President Truman had also appointed the former President to make a food survey of Europe after the war and had made him co-chairman, with Dean Acheson, of a committee to reorganize the Government, which Mr. Hoover still headed. The former President had been extremely grateful for the recognition and had paid glowing tribute to President Truman at a Gridiron Club dinner, and, later, during the 1952 presidential campaign, had refused to criticize the Truman Administration, albeit while urging Republican strategists to do so. Nevertheless, Mr. Truman had not been invited to the White House since he had departed on January 20, 1953, and he did not expect to be invited at present.

Mr. Pearson suggests to the President that he might want to consider, for the sake of encouraging bipartisan foreign policy at home and achieving the needed friendly support from allies in Europe, sending former President Truman to the capitals of Western Europe on a good will tour, with the President's personal blessing as an unofficial envoy to visit some of the places Mr. Truman had known as an artillery captain during World War I. The former President was quite popular in Europe, being seen as the man who had put across the Marshall Plan, helping to rebuild Europe after the war, and was a symbol of European-American cooperation. In just a visit as a tourist to the area of France where he had commanded a battery of field artillery, he would present himself as a symbol of unity and friendship at a time when Western unity needed those reminders.

He indicates that it should come as no surprise after the public statements of the President and Secretary of State Dulles regarding the use of atomic bombs, that live atomic bombs had now been shipped to the Far East in case the crisis in the Formosa area exploded into war. They were described as small, tactical bombs which could be used to break up troop concentrations on the Chinese mainland in case of an attack on Quemoy and Matsu, the offshore islands held by the Nationalists. It was the second time since World War II that the U.S. had held the atomic bomb up its sleeve, the first having been during the darkest days of the Korean retreat in 1950, though that had never been previously disclosed. At that time, General MacArthur had cabled frantically to Washington that his troops were being driven into the sea and asked whether he should evacuate or fight to the death, offering to join his troops on the battlefield and go down fighting with them. Alarmed, President Truman had ordered atomic bombs flown to a secret carrier off the Korean coast, and if the situation had become desperate enough, the President intended to use them to stop the Communist onslaught and to save American troops. During the time that those atomic bombs had been aboard the ship, it had radioed its location every half hour and the operation was maintained in secret, so secret that even the British Government had never known of the contingency plan. Now, atomic bombs were again ready for action off the Chinese coast if needed.

Mr. Pearson notes that a leading Soviet atomic scientist, accompanied by two lesser scientists, had arrived in Communist China on April 3 to consult with leaders there, presumably on the use of atomic weapons.

He also notes that not many high Republican officials would now boast of a friendship with former President Truman, but that Secretary of the Navy Charles Thomas not only claimed the Trumans as friends, but said that he had once lived next door to former First Lady Bess Truman.

Walter Lippmann, writing in the New York Herald Tribune, indicates that the President was facing an increasingly heavy burden of responsibility with regard to the Formosa situation, ever since the Congress had passed a resolution two months earlier providing him with the sole discretion to determine whether any action by the Communists was of sufficient gravity to threaten Formosa and the Pescadores, pursuant to the treaty with the Nationalist Government, and thereby necessitate engaging U.S. forces in defense of other areas within the Formosa Strait, namely the offshore islands of Quemoy and Matsu in the event of an attack by the Chinese Communists.

There was no treaty obligation or principle of law which established a U.S. interest in those islands, and the President and Congress had not agreed on any definite juridical, strategic or political standard by which to guide the President in making the decision. Since the resolution had been passed by Congress, the President had been under pressure from all sides to make a decision one way or the other on defense of the offshore islands, but had thus far refused to do so. He was leaving the decision until an actual crisis arose, leaving the Communist Chinese to guess how he would determine the matter.

Mr. Lippmann regards that policy as unwise, for it depended on the Communist Chinese guessing, and, he notes, it was never wise to consider one's adversary a fool, and so was not safe to assume that the Communist Chinese would take such obvious military actions which would make it easy for the President to make a decision which would unite the country and rally its allies against them. There were ways of attacking the offshore islands which would not be recognizable "as parts of, or definite preliminaries to, an attack against the main positions of Formosa and the Pescadores", as the President had defined the issue.

He regards the problem, therefore, as being one to extricate the President and the country from that predicament. The President had hoped, in assuming the responsibility for the decision, that by Congress overwhelmingly voting for the resolution, it would deter the Communist Chinese from serious military action in the Formosa Strait, and afford a basis, through bargaining with the offshore islands, for a negotiated peace in the area. But Mr. Lippmann offers that, based on experience, the Communist Chinese, even if deterred from a full-scale assault, had been given a strong incentive to proceed by other means short of open warfare, and, furthermore, it had become plain that negotiation of a cease-fire could not occur through public agreement between Communist and Nationalist China. The best chance, therefore, of preventing dangerous war was to establish the cease-fire by unilateral U.S. action, which was peculiarly available in this instance, by effecting the equivalent of a cease-fire through withdrawal of the Nationalist troops from the offshore islands back to Formosa. That would end their air and naval attacks on the mainland, but those had little impact on the Communist Chinese in any event.

The treaty with Nationalist China provided for only the defense of Formosa and the Pescadores and was ratified with explicit assurance to the American people that it did not call for U.S. participation in the Chinese civil war. Thus, to effect a withdrawal of the troops from the offshore islands would place the U.S. on solid legal ground as well as being within its own military capacity to defend Formosa and the Pescadores, and would be completely acceptable to the nation's allies.

"It is the paramount interest of the United States that whenever we must fight a war, we shall fight it for the legitimate and clearly defined interests of the United States—and not because we have become entangled and cannot muster the moral courage to disentangle ourselves."

Robert C. Ruark, in London, tells of New York Yankees manager Casey Stengel having issued an order that members of the club would have to tip no less than two bits for breakfast, 50 cents for dinner and a dollar per week for the room maid.

The Yankees, when Mr. Ruark was a boy, had been the most lavish tippers and even had on the team a couple of free-spenders, but the average ballplayer conserved a dollar. Some 20 years earlier, the players had worn what was called a ten-day shirt when they were on the road, one of such a dark color that it showed no travel stains and thereby saved laundry bills. They regarded a nickel tip as adequate, if they tipped at all, and a dime was a big deal. Two bits was considered riotous living, and usually they carried their own bags.

When he was covering baseball, he could not remember a ballplayer ever buying him a drink or lunch and could only remember that Joe DiMaggio and Bucky Harris, or maybe it had been Buddy Meyer, Buck Newsom and Hank Greenberg, had ever produced a short beer or ham sandwich. They had been about the only ones who had ever issued a statement of thanks for a story, out of the hundreds of thousands of words he had written, mostly praise. It stood to reason, as when he had been writing sports, most of the players had come from the deep and poverty-stricken South, not from the college ranks as many in baseball presently. The country boys had not played much football or basketball in the small towns, only baseball, and a kid who could pitch pretty well for the local cotton mill was apt to be seen by a scout and brought up to the pros before he had much of a chance to get through a rural high school. They had been good and decent boys for the most part, but with the Southern countrymen's deep suspicion of persons from other places, and with a deep reverence for the dollar.

They had the one chance in professional baseball to save a little money so that they could return home to marry Ellie Mae and open a service station, a poolroom or a bowling alley and live thereafter on their press clippings and the little bit of money they had saved from their 10 or 12 years of playing in the big leagues, and so scrimped and saved. They counted wealth in terms of hound dogs, mules and tobacco patches and regarded fancy city living as loose spending. Tipping, therefore, was considered illogical.

Mr. Ruark says that given the poor service he had experienced in restaurants, he was in sympathy with the ballplayers, as he, also, had come from a small Southern town, Wilmington, N.C., and his mind was also running more toward mules and tobacco than it once had been.

A letter writer from Weaverville asks the newspaper, as a public service, to notify its readers as soon as possible when Walter Winchell would provide his approval of the Salk vaccine.

The editors note that there was "no word yet".

A letter writer thanks a previous letter writer for her article defending the Communications Workers of America union, presently engaged in the Southern Bell Telephone Co. strike in nine Southeastern states. She says that her ideas and thoughts were identical to those of the prior writer, that the fight the workers were waging with Southern Bell was for a pattern, which, if successful, could set an example for all of organized labor, especially in the South. She wonders why Southern Bell did not wish to participate in arbitration, and why the South did not want wages to be bargained with employers. She says that it cost just as much to live in the South as in the North and the workers did the same type of work, and yet the Northern workers received greater pay and better hours than did their Southern counterparts. She hopes that the telephone workers would win their position.

A letter writer wonders how much longer the public would put up with strikes such as the Southern Bell strike, and whether the unions would control the country. He says that the violence of that strike was turning the public against the union, as it should. He urges that the Governors of Alabama and Georgia, where there had been many instances of violence and damage to company property, should call out the National Guard to protect property and the people who wanted to work. He suggests also that perhaps the unions ought be broken and urges protection of the right to work.

A letter writer thanks Earl Gluck and radio station WSOC in Charlotte for carrying Adlai Stevenson's address regarding the Far East earlier in the week. It seemed to her that most of the press and radio were reluctant to give time and space to anything except Republican sentiments and propaganda. She regards Mr. Stevenson as having spoken simple truths which were much more important to world peace "than the excessive reporting and publicity given to the numerous golf games and trips made by our President." She concludes that such over-reporting actually did an injustice to the President, as "he must work some time."

A letter from a member of the Charlotte Council of Parents and Teachers and from a health educator in the Charlotte Health Department, thanks the newspaper for its cooperation in promoting registration for school which had been concluded on March 31 with gratifying results, there having been a total of 2,446 children registered in the City schools, an increase of 283 over the previous year.

A Pome appears from the Atlanta Journal, "In Which Further Advice Is Given Concerning Peaceful Domestic Relations:

"If you'd lead a happy life,
Make a sweetheart of your wife."

But if such sweetness leads only to strife,
Take resort other than through a switchblade.

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