The Charlotte News
Saturday, March 26, 1955
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that intelligence reports were under serious study, which indicated that the Chinese Communists could launch a major attack on the island of Matsu within a few weeks, and on the nearby island of Quemoy perhaps a month afterward, both islands being four to five miles offshore from the Communist Chinese mainland and both presently occupied and garrisoned by the Nationalist Chinese. A number of American military men stated that the Communists had given every indication that they intended to make the attack, but that there were several factors which could impact the decision and the timing of any attack, among them being the beginning, scheduled for April 18, of the Afro-Asian conference in Indonesia, to which 30 African and Asian nations had been invited, including Communist China, with speculation having been that such an attack on the islands would be delayed until after that point. The U.S. had declined to indicate definitely whether it would defend against an attack on one or both of the islands if that attack were considered the start of a major offensive on Formosa, itself, or the Pescadores, which the U.S. had pledged by treaty to defend from attack. White House press secretary James Hagerty had said, upon inquiry from newsmen, that any discussion of foreign affairs with leaders in Congress of both parties at the White House the following Wednesday and Thursday would undoubtedly touch on Formosa, but he noted that the luncheons had been scheduled for some time. Some military leaders reportedly were urging a strong defense of Matsu, both to save it and to discourage an even larger effort against Quemoy. The reports stated that unless the Communists were given a very rough time in any assault on Matsu, they could be ready for a heavier attack on Quemoy by May.
In Moscow, Premier Nikolai Bulganin said this date that he took a "positive attitude" toward views expressed by the President at his press conference on Wednesday concerning a possible Big Four meeting of the heads of state. The Premier had granted a special interview to a correspondent of Tass, the Soviet news agency, saying that the Soviet Union approved of the idea expressed by the President, stating the condition that it would need to be clear that such a conference would contribute to reducing tensions in international relations. The President had also said that holding such a meeting would be contingent on ratification of the Paris agreements to rearm West Germany, which would demonstrate unity in the West and provide a basis of "moral and spiritual strength" from which to negotiate, at which point there should be exploratory talks which might lead to something constructive.
Senator Karl Mundt of South Dakota said this date that he wanted "battle-trained officers" to say whether suspected Communists in the Army should face the same risks as "the patriotic soldier". Alternatives could be to dismiss them from service or assign them to noncombat duties where they could be watched, at a time when loyal American youths were being drafted for possible hazardous duty. Senator Mundt said that the general question of what to do with Communists in the service was one problem remaining to be settled after the Senate's newest inquiry into the Army Reserve dentist who had been promoted and then honorably discharged after he had asserted his privilege against self-incrimination pursuant to the Fifth Amendment before the Senate Investigating subcommittee chaired by Senator McCarthy the prior year, in response to questions about his prior associations with subversive organizations. The Army had declared the dentist to be a security risk and conceded that it made numerous mistakes in handling that case. Since the Korean War, the Army had changing policies on whether and where to use known and suspected Communists in uniform, with Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson having called it a perplexing problem to which he was aware of no ideal solution.
In Stuttgart, Germany, an American Army helicopter pilot, forced down by a snowstorm in Communist East Germany, said this date that he had received "good care" from the Russians, who had provided him with a bottle of cognac. The 26-year old first lieutenant, whose wife had delivered a son the previous night, told a news conference this date that he was confined to a room in a Soviet military compound near the West German border, and said that at no time was there any indication of violence toward him, that he and a West German companion were only questioned a couple of times during the week for 15 to 20 minutes. His helicopter had been forced down a few miles inside the East German border on March 17, accompanied by a lieutenant in a West German labor service unit, both on an aerial survey mission. They had hit heavy snow showers, according to the pilot, and had become uncertain of their location, high winds having blown the helicopter quite a distance off course, and the pilot had landed it in a field, still under the impression that he was on West German soil, at which point they were immediately surrounded by East German police and taken from the helicopter to another location. He said that the questioning was superficial, such as where they lived and so forth, with the two men questioned separately. He said that the food was more than adequate and he had never finished all which they had given him, and when asked whether they had given him any vodka, he had smiled and replied in the negative, but that they had given them a bottle of cognac which they had drunk.
In Brussels, Belgium, mounted police charged with swinging sabers this date to disperse surging crowds of Roman Catholics protesting a Government cut in financial aid to church schools. No casualties were reported, but hundreds had been hauled away to a military barracks for screening. The center of the capital was in an uproar after demonstrators had pushed back into side streets, and for the time being, had been prevented from staging a scheduled "March on Brussels". Masses of people had attempted to converge on the Brussels equivalent of Times Square, which police had cordoned off with barbed wire. Two mounted policemen had been thrown from their horses attempting to force back the solid ranks of the demonstrators, and several policemen had lost control of their horses. Riot police drenched the crowd with high-pressure fire hoses, but the prevailing summer-type weather caused them not to appear to mind, standing and taking the drenching.
Senator Frank Carlson of Kansas said this date that he was still confident that Federal employees would receive the 7.6 percent pay increase which the President favored, instead of the ten percent increase voted by the Senate. He conceded, however, that it might require a veto by the President to obtain the lower figure. The pay increase would now go to the House, after the Senate had passed it the previous day, affecting a million classified Civil Service workers and 500,000 postal employees. The House the previous Monday had rejected, by a nearly 3 to 1 margin, the effort by House Post Office and Civil Service Committee chairman, Tom Murray of Tennessee, to call up the measure for the 7.6 percent increase for postal workers on a take-it-or-leave-it basis.
The House Appropriations Committee this date recommended an appropriation of 4.4 billion dollars to run the Veterans Administration during the coming fiscal year, ten million dollars more than requested by the President, with the increase earmarked for repair and modernization of older veterans hospitals. The allocation accounted for nearly 80 percent of a 5.8 billion dollar bill to finance 18 independent Federal agencies. The Committee commended the agencies for having "controlled very carefully" their budgets and for having maintained personnel at a minimum.
In Phoenix, the annual rodeo had been held the previous week, and the previous night, 31 Brahman bulls had broken out of a cattle car on a railroad siding and run rampant through the city, with 20 of the bulls having been captured or shot. Two persons had been seriously injured by the fleeing bulls and dozens of others had suffered minor injuries. Practically every police officer in the city had been packing a rifle for the roundup. A 15-year old girl was gored as she was walking along a street far from where the bulls had escaped, suffering a critical head injury. A 76-year old man was hospitalized after being crushed by a charging bull, with another man credited by officers with saving his life, rushing out of his nearby store to distract the bull's attention and then beating it over the head with a garbage can cover.
Erwin Potts of The News tells of two trainmen having been killed early in the morning when eight cars and an engine of a Norfolk Southern freight train had plunged from a burning trestle into Rocky River near Midland.
Harry Shuford of The News reports that fast-moving Charlotte police officers had captured a man during the morning, after he had been in the city less than ten minutes, having arrived by bus from Greensboro shortly after 3:00 a.m., officers indicating that he had surrendered without resistance to arrest. The man had been committed to the section for the criminally insane at the State Hospital in Raleigh in 1951, but had escaped the prior Wednesday, prompting a widespread search. His commitment had been the result of a court-appointed psychiatrist finding him unable to stand trial for the brutal slaying of a local night watchman. Three detectives had been informed that the man was downstairs in the men's toilet of the bus station, and when they started down the stairs, they had gone a couple of steps past him before they had recognized him, as he had gained weight since 1951 and did not appear the same. The officers had followed him out of the station, and he had gone east on Trade Street and turned south on Mint Street by the Post Office, at which point the detectives had lost sight of him momentarily, then saw him walking from an alley, practically into the awaiting handcuffs of one of the detectives. He might have been an impersonator of Elvis.
Dick Young of The News indicates that an amendment to the City's traffic codes, setting the speed limit of vehicles at 35 mph on arterial streets and streets in residential areas, and at 20 mph in school zones, had been scheduled for adoption at Wednesday's session of the City Council, with a view to bringing unity between local law and state law, the latter allowing for 35 mph speed limits in those areas.
In Hutchinson, Kans., the temperature was 15 degrees the previous day, and when a fifth-grader showed up at school without a coat, the teacher had been puzzled, asking him whether he had a heavy coat at home, to which the student had nodded in the affirmative, and so the teacher asked him why he had not worn it, prompting his reply that he did not need it, showing the teacher that he was wearing nine shirts.
Here in 2022, it is five down and one to go...
The final score tonight in the national semifinals of the peach-picking contest between Duke and UNC, one of the closest and most hotly contested semifinal games buzzer to buzzer in NCAA history, was 81 to 77, obviously connotative, within the realm of mystical peach-picking lore, of the fact that Dean Smith-coached teams reached the NCAA finals in 1977, losing to Marquette in coach Al McGuire's last game before his early retirement, a UNC team which included current UNC coach Hubert Davis's Uncle Walter, then, with about all of the other starters, hobbled, having an injury to his hand, the loss nevertheless resulting in such a celebration taking over Franklin Street in Chapel Hill, which we attended, that one would not have known it was not a victory, and of the fact that another UNC team reached the finals in 1981, the night after President Reagan had been shot earlier in the day, losing to Indiana, the third time to that point that coach Smith's teams had lost in the finals, the first having been in 1968 to UCLA, led by Lewis Alcindor, that game, as we have often pointed out, having stood for many years not only disappointingly in memory but as a record loss for NCAA finals, 23 points, until 1990, when Duke kindly removed from UNC that onus, losing to UNLV in the finals by a margin in excess of 23 points, discretion preventing further disclosure. Anyway, we congratulate coach Mike Krazygluski on a stellar coaching career, a job well done, finishing with more wins than any other Division I coach in the history of the game, not likely to be eclipsed anytime soon, and with five national championships in a single coach's record 13 Final Four appearances for his teams in the process, establishing such a record in the period between 1986 and 2001, in which his teams achieved the Final Four so often, nine times, that it undoubtedly set up a competition with UNC, such that the Tar Heels also began frequenting the Final Four more than in the past, appearing in 1991, 1993, 1995, 1997, 1998 and 2000, the latter two under coach Bill Guthridge, longtime assistant to coach Smith prior to the latter's 1997 retirement with more wins at the time, 887 in 36 seasons, than any other Division I coach in NCAA history, a record yet unbroken for the most wins in that time span at one school and broken only by Roy Williams for most wins in the fewest seasons at more than one school, the latter having won 903 games in 33 seasons at two schools, the two coaches having retired with the highest winning percentages, coach Smith at .777 and coach Williams at .774, among coaches with more than 800 wins in no more than 36 seasons, and exceeded generally only by Kentucky's Adolph Rupp, who had a winning percentage of .822—that last 1997 season, incidentally, having been one in which coach Smith's team stood at 12-6, after a loss to Duke in Durham at the end of January, with many then questioning whether UNC could even make the NCAA Tournament, whereupon the team proceeded to win every remaining game, including the ACC Tournament, until the national semifinals, in which they lost to eventual national champion Arizona, winding up 28-7.
The 42 seasons of the Duke coach had started without much fanfare the first four or five seasons, not unlike the initial five seasons of Dean Smith at UNC, with the ACC then dominated usually by Duke under coach Vic Bubas. Schools today anxious to buy a coach in the marketplace who can produce instant results, within two or three years or hit the road, should take note of the early records of coach Smith and coach Krzyzewski, that a seasoning process is sometimes needed to bring positive results on a longterm basis from a young coach. That said, we are pleased that coach Roy Williams produced a national championship at UNC in his second year as head coach at his alma mater, after a successful 15-year tenure at Kansas, with four Final Four appearances during his time at that school, but without a national title trophy to that point, and we are glad that coach Hubert Davis appears to be following the lead of coach Guthridge and coach Williams in his first year as a head coach, entering the title game on this coming Monday night againt Kansas, coached since 2003 by Bill Self, who won a national title for the school in 2008 and has reached the Final Four with Kansas three other times, inclusive of 2022. Is this a time for redemption from the substantial defeat of UNC by Kansas in the national semifinals in 2008? Who will win?
The weather where we are is holding steady, fair and warm.
On the editorial page, "Special Interest vs. the Public Good" indicates that State Representative Ed O'Herron's plea for the people to "speak up" regarding the milk bill presently before the Legislature had reminded the editors of the campaign of former French Premier Pierre Mendes-France to try to get Frenchmen interested in milk, neither of which had aroused much public concern.
But the appeal of Mr. O'Herron had served to accent one often neglected aspect of North Carolina politics, that there were no lobbies in Raleigh representing all of the consumers' interests, despite there being special groups of consumers which had pressure groups.
It concludes that far too much legislation in the state depended on the haphazard outcome of a struggle between special interest groups.
"The Atom: Political Control Is Next" indicates that the leitmotif of Soviet diplomacy for years had been to keep the West guessing, and that it had occurred again during the week when Russia, according to U.S. sources, had put forth proposals in London "quite similar" to the Western program for reduction of nuclear and other weapons, with hints even being conveyed that the Communists might agree to a system of international inspection, previously the catch to any Soviet proposal. But the West was naturally suspicious, though it could not cynically ignore the Russian offers, given what was at stake.
It finds that it was an unpleasant truth that an agreement between nations to eliminate atomic or hydrogen weapons would not produce security, that it would take an agreement bolstered by effective inspection and control, which would cover the source of fissile material, as any nation with the required raw materials could produce nuclear bombs. While development technically of the nuclear arsenal would be relatively easy in the years to come, the challenge for all the nations of the world would be on the political front.
"John W. Davis and the Law" comments on the death of the 1924 Democratic presidential nominee and, more recently, the counsel for the Clarendon County, S.C., board of education, part of the Brown v. Board of Education case, argued before the Supreme Court in December, 1952 and re-argued in December, 1953. It indicates that his presidential nomination had been something of a political accident, as mischief-makers during the early 1920's had fanned the Protestant-Catholic quarrel, which had erupted openly at the 1924 Democratic convention, with future 1928 nominee, Alfred Smith, an Irish-Catholic, and William McAdoo, a Scotch Protestant, pitted against one another. Gerald W. Johnson had recalled in his Incredible Tale that the "contest was so long, so stubborn, and so bitter that when both were retired and the nomination was given to John W. Davis, eminently respectable, but a corporation lawyer, that is to say, belonging to a breed none suspects of having too much religion of any kind, the contestants on both sides were too angry to give him more than faint-hearted support, and he lost the election."
Thus, President Calvin Coolidge was re-elected and Mr. Davis was left to his constitutional law practice. It suggests that sometimes it thought Mr. Davis had the better of it, as at least he had risen higher in his profession and won wide recognition for his work before the Supreme Court. His greatest single triumph, it suggests, had occurred when President Truman had ordered the steel mills seized in 1952 to prevent a strike, and Mr. Davis had been retained by the steel companies, successfully arguing that the President had no inherent executive power to seize private companies, except as authorized by Congress to do so. He had also, it finds, argued the case for South Carolina in the segregation case with distinction, even though losing.
It concludes that the nation had lost one of its foremost authorities on constitutional law, "a man dedicated to the perfection of reason."
"U.S. Red Tape—$4 Billion Worth" tells of the 1956 fiscal year budget for the Government containing 1,224 pages and weighing slightly more than five pounds. As it had been perusing it, the Hoover Commission reported on paperwork management, producing even scarier statistics on the largeness of the Federal Government, stating that a paperwork task force had found that the Government created and handled at least 25 billion pieces of paper the previous year, not counting tons of technical manuals, pamphlets and the like, costing about four billion dollars per year, equivalent to $100 per year in taxes for every family in the country, costing a billion only for letter-writing. It thus finds that there was merit in the Commission's proposal for a "paperwork management program".
The program, according to the experts, would save a quarter of a billion dollars per year, and so it indicates that it was time for Congress to take a hard look at the spectacle of Government red tape and get to work at cutting it, with the Hoover Commission report serving as an excellent pattern.
"Footnote" indicates that the Reds had not put the red in red tape, but that it was a problem on both sides of the Iron Curtain, that according to the Manchester Guardian, the Soviet Ministry for the Timber Industry had asked each timber concern in the country to fill out 118 forms with a total of 40,000 questions, one of which, according to Izvestia, demanded to know how many rest, holiday and sick days had been given to horses employed by the timber concerns during the quarter under review. It concludes that in the Soviet economy, the pen was mightier than the sickle.
A piece from the Greensboro Daily News, titled "Tar Heel Clam", tells of the state being one of the big clam-producing states of the nation, something of which it had not been aware previously because no one had ever informed it of the fact. It states that it had eaten many meals on the North Carolina coast, but no clams, whether fried, frittered or chowdered. It says it had bought canned clam chowder in grocery stores, bearing labels suggesting that the clams therein had come from New York, New England, Chicago and other parts of the nation, thus concluding that the clam was a Yankee seafaring fish which became too tough to eat, except in soup, by the time the clam had reached as far south as the border between North Carolina and Virginia.
Now, it knew better, as the state ranked seventh among the 12 clam-producing states of the Atlantic Coast, distributing over 800,000 pounds of clams in 1952. Elmer Willis of Williston, who was the North Carolina "Clam Man", was working on an order for 49,000 pounds of clam meat for a national soup company, but when the clams got into the soup, no one would ever know that they had originated in North Carolina. Recently, in Raleigh, North Carolina clams had been served at a clambake under the sponsorship of the State Department of Conservation & Development and the North Carolina Association of Quality Restaurants, to publicize North Carolina clams.
It asks why North Carolinians did not eat more clams or process them in the state under North Carolina labels, and so combine profits with pleasure.
Drew Pearson indicates that the "original Eisenhower boosters", who had announced after a recent White House luncheon that the President would run in 1956 for re-election unless world conditions improved, had not told the whole story, for the President had hinted just as strongly that he would like to take a vacation from the White House if there were a positive advancement in world peace during his current Administration. He provides what he indicates as a nearly verbatim account of what was said at the luncheon, quoting from Governor Christian Herter of Massachusetts and Senator Norris Cotten of New Hampshire.
Since 1946, Congressman Percy Priest of Tennessee had been seeking passage of a bill to remedy the most tragic medical problem of the times, the sharp increase of mental disorders among Americans. Of the total 1.4 million hospital beds in the nation, between 600,000 and 700,000 were occupied by mental patients, one reason being the lack of knowledge of mental diseases, causing Congressman Priest to propose a national study of the cause and treatment of mental illness. Because of Congressional indifference and the reluctance of government to interfere with medicine, the recommendations had never become law. But Congressman Priest, at the current session of Congress, with the help of Senator Lister Hill of Alabama, was pushing again his mental health program, and because of increasing public concern over the high rate of American insanity, it would probably now become law.
Doris Fleeson tells of Representative Adam Clayton Powell of New York, serving his sixth term in the House, having personally overruled the ukase of the State Department that Americans should not attend the Afro-Asian Conference at Bandung, Indonesia, scheduled between April 18 and 24, accepting the invitation of the Indonesian Government to be its guest during the conference, notwithstanding the State Department having attempted to dissuade Representative Powell from attending. His wife, pianist Hazel Scott, had been included in the invitation, but a prior commitment for a Town Hall recital would not permit her to attend.
Ms. Fleeson indicates that it would be an interesting conference because Communist China would be present and could be expected to produce as much propaganda as possible from it. Assistant Secretary of State Thurston Morton, a former member of the House from Kentucky, explained that the Department's advice against Americans attending was to avoid any appearance that the U.S. was seeking to manipulate the conference, as the U.S. had not been invited, not being an African or Asian nation.
But Representative Powell believed that a black member of the U.S. Congress with long experience therein could be of help to the country and so had eschewed the advice of the Department, and had persuaded Dr. Marguerite Cortwright, a black member of the NYU faculty, to attend, and had arranged for coverage by the black press.
Reporters were not affected by the prohibition issued by the State Department and a substantial number planned to cover the conference, including, according to Mr. Powell, Louis Lautier, the new black member of the National Press Club in Washington, and Ethel Payne, White House correspondent for the Chicago Defender, a black newspaper.
Ms. Fleeson finds that the situation had unusual and challenging aspects, that Representative Powell had all the many rights of a member of Congress and would, undoubtedly, become much more important within the Asian press than if he were a white man. He was not a member of the House Foreign Relations Committee, but was an impressive and articulate speaker. He had been frequently quoted by Republicans during the 1954 midterm elections campaign because he had written a piece in Reader's Digest praising President Eisenhower's actions on race relations. She suggests that he was probably not blind to the publicity possibilities of the conference, a weakness he shared with all of his House colleagues. She finds, in that connection, that it was unfortunate that his beautiful and talented wife was not going to accompany him.
The Congressional Quarterly indicates that Washington lobbyists, while having been "busier than a crew of one-armed paperhangers in 1954", had reported a new low in spending, with a total of 225 organizations having spent 4.3 million dollars to influence legislation, according to reports filed with Congress and tabulated by the Quarterly, the smallest sum reported since the Lobbying Act had been passed in 1946, requiring the reporting. Spending had risen from just short of five million dollars in 1947 to more than ten million in 1950, and then had dropped to 4.5 million in 1953. It questions whether the high cost of lobbying had really gone down, suggesting that it was not likely, that what had actually occurred was that lobbyists had changed their ideas about the type of spending they had to report.
In 1954, the Supreme Court, in the case of U.S. v. Harriss, had narrowed the definition of lobbying, resulting in several organizations changing their methods of reporting expenditures. For example, the Chamber of Commerce, which had reported spending $90,000 in 1953, had not filed a regular report for the fourth quarter of 1954, instead filing a statement to the effect that legal counsel had advised it that such a report was unnecessary, but that, "pending clarification" of the lobbying law, financial statements would be filed.
It finds that changed reporting procedures had probably accounted for some of the shifts which had taken place among the top spenders in 1954. Twenty-three lobbying organizations which had reported spending more than $50,000 each accounted for more than half of the total spending reported, their share having been 2.1 million dollars, compared to 2.5 million for the 20 groups which had exceeded $50,000 in spending in 1953. The National Milk Producers Federation was at the top of the list, having spent $185,000, having reported spending the prior year of $233,000, then ranking third. In 1953, the National Association of Electric Companies had led the list, spending $548,000, but in 1954, had reported spending of only $110,000, winding up in seventh place. Five of the biggest spenders from 1953 had spent less than $50,000 in 1954, including the AMA, the Chamber of Commerce, the American Tariff League, the National Economic Council and the Colorado River Association, the AMA and the Chamber having informed the Quarterly that changed methods in reporting had helped to account for their decrease in reported spending.
It goes on to provide further detail of the primary lobbying organizations' spending on particular issues, concluding that total spending reported pursuant to the law was something less than the amount actually spent by all individuals and organizations attempting to influence legislation. The law covered only those groups who had registered under the law, and according to one official, it was unknown how many lobbyists there were at present who, wittingly or unwittingly, had failed to comply with the law. Among those who did register and report, there was plainly some confusion concerning what had to be reported, with some groups reporting almost all of the money they had spent, while others reported only a fraction, with many not filing financial reports at all for the year.
Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts, chairman of the reorganization subcommittee of the Senate Government Operations Committee, planned to seek a better law along the lines of a bill he had introduced in the previous session of Congress. The Senator had been recuperating in Florida from his back surgery the previous fall and subsequent complications from it, was expected to return to Congress after Easter. The Senator's legislative assistant, Theodore Sorensen, stated, "We don't regard the bill as perfect, but we hope it will trigger off lobby hearings this year." The proposal would call for wholesale rewriting of the law to eliminate items of dubious constitutionality, close alleged loopholes, and prohibit contingent fee lobbying. Some of Senator Kennedy's colleagues, however, doubted that he could get action on the measure during the current session, with Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, chairman of the Kennedy subcommittee in the absence of the Senator, saying that he would support the move should it develop, but that at present, they were swamped with other issues.
A letter writer indicates that, at the risk of offending some "Billy Graham lovers" and the editors "who decide upon the play news stories receive", he was protesting the continued front page attention being provided the news of Reverend Graham's "show" in Scotland, suggests that in lieu of going on at great length, they should condense the story into the form used by the highway patrol in its "'Bloodshed Boxscore'", to provide for attendance, decisions, and attendance and decisions the prior year.
A letter from the president of Package Products Co., Inc., commends the newspaper for its editorial of March 7, supporting the Consolidated University's request for a new Department of Products Design to be established within the School of Design at N.C. State. He says that they agreed that good design was essential to progressive manufacturing and merchandising in the present marketplace, but wished to take exception to the editorial's statement that it was an unpleasant fact that many North Carolina food producers were not able to reach the national market because of poor design of packaging, that such a statement had been true less than a decade earlier, but at present, there were more firms and facilities engaged in designing and producing modern, effective and practical packaging within North Carolina than in any other Southern state. He indicates that the company's representatives, in visiting leading department stores, chain stores, variety stores, hardware stores and food stores had found prominently displayed beautiful, eye-appealing, sales-stimulating packaging made of cellophane, polyethylene, Pliofilm, acetate, Vitafilm, and paper, plus labels and box wraps designed and printed in the company's two plants located in Charlotte. He says that the School of Design at N.C. State was recognized already as one of the finest in the country, that, therefore, an Industrial Design Department could prove to be an outstanding contribution to the state's expanding industry.
A letter writer pays tribute to Bertha Donnelly, who had been a teacher in the Charlotte public schools for 49 years, known as "Miss Bertha" to all of her pupils. The writer indicates that the teacher had "roared like a lion, but underneath was a kind and understanding and unselfish heart." She says that she would never have received her high school diploma had it not been for her after-school tutoring from Ms. Donnelly, that she had given her time and effort far beyond the call of duty and had made a contribution to Charlotte public education which would leave its impression long after her memory had faded.
A letter from J. C. Penney of St. Petersburg, Fla., apparently the founder of the department store chain, indicates having read with interest and approval an editorial in the newspaper which had been reproduced in a previous week's edition of the Palm Beach Post, titled "Do You Go That Extra Mile?" He says that he hoped to see many other such editorials in American newspapers, as they had a beneficial effect on many citizens who needed to have their ambitions stimulated, that it contained a viewpoint which he had made in a recent talk, which he had titled "The Job Ahead".
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