The Charlotte News

Saturday, October 8, 1955


Site Ed. Notes: The front page reports that Vice-President Nixon had left Washington in the rain this date for a bedside visit with the President in Denver, riding in an Air Force plane along with White House chief of staff Sherman Adams, the President's son, Maj. John Eisenhower, and the President's Boston heart specialist, Dr. Paul D. White. It would be the Vice-President's first visit with the President since the latter had been stricken by a heart attack two weeks earlier. The President had requested that Mr. Nixon come to see him. Whether the Vice-President would be wearing a raincoat over his head is not indicated.

Former Governor of Illinois Adlai Stevenson and former President Truman had lambasted the Republicans during speeches this date, with the former having told a Wisconsin Democratic Party convention at Green Bay that the present Republican farm policy of flexible price supports was not working, that instead of eliminating surpluses, as had been claimed, it was eliminating farmers, and that export subsidies and import quotas sharply conflicted with the Administration's declarations about freer world trade. He said that there was still indefensible discrimination between different commodities and that the burdensome surpluses were still burdening the country, with the result that the problem of effective control remained. He cautioned Democrats against promising that the farm problem would be eliminated should they be returned to power, that the farmers could not expect the Democrats to perform miracles. Former President Truman had responded vigorously to shouts of "Give 'em hell, Harry" from an enthusiastic crowd of about 2,000 people at an Albany, N.Y., rally of Democratic candidates for local offices in New York. Mr. Truman said that he was "very anxious" to see that the Government was "restored to the people", saying that there was a class of people who believed that government should make the rich richer and let some benefits "filter down to the people below." He said that Democrats did not believe that the people who controlled the Government ought control it for a special interest purpose, that instead the Government ought be controlled for the welfare and benefit of all people, that he believed that the present Government was a "special privilege government and nothing else".

Meanwhile, Republican Senator George Bender of Ohio had predicted that the President "can be and will be" a candidate for a second term, despite his recent heart attack. He said that if the President did decide not to run, "the country would want him to indicate who he is for".

In Bournemouth, England, Prime Minister Anthony Eden, speaking to 4,000 delegates of the Conservative Party's annual conference, called this date for a big power agreement to stop the flow of arms into the Middle East, saying that the risk of war between Israel and Egypt would be intensified should "a great power from outside" step in with supplies for one side or the other. He did not mention any power by name, but was obviously referring to Russia, as Egypt had announced a pact whereby it would swap cotton for arms from the Soviet satellite of Czechoslovakia. Meanwhile in London, the Foreign Office accused Egyptian Prime Minister Gamal Abdel Nasser of giving out falsely attributed information which "grossly exaggerated" the extent of British military aid to Israel, charging the Prime Minister with misrepresenting the source of his information as being an intercepted secret official French document regarding figures on arms deliveries to Israel. The statement said that the information had actually come from a commercial Paris newsletter. Prime Minister Nasser had said on October 7 that he had decided to purchase arms from Czechoslovakia because Egyptian intelligence had intercepted a French intelligence document indicating that Britain and the U.S. had given Israel, among other things, 120 planes, 115 tanks and 100 armored cars. The British Foreign Office, however, said that the true facts were that no Mustang aircraft and no Churchill tanks had been supplied by the United Kingdom to Israel, that 20 tanks in a demilitarized condition had been sold to Israel for "cannibalization", to acquire parts. Mr. Eden also said that his Government hoped to reduce the strength of the armed forces of Britain by about 100,000 by April, 1958, to a total of 680,000 men and 20,000 women, and that Britain would continue its national service period of 24 months. The conference had buzzed with speculation for three days that Mr. Eden was preparing to make sweeping Cabinet changes, but Mr. Eden said that he had asked the Cabinet members to remain at their posts for the present.

In New York, the Navy launched the 60,000-ton super carrier U.S.S. Saratoga, calling it the world's heaviest and most powerful warship. The wife of Navy Secretary Charles Thomas smashed a bottle of champagne on the hull of the ship to launch it at the New York Naval Shipyard in Brooklyn. The ship would still require six more months of construction before it was ready to join the fleet, even after leaving its present drydock berth. The previous Saratoga, the famed fighting carrier of World War II, had been sunk during the Bikini atomic bomb tests. The Navy stressed the habitability and comfort of the new ship and soft-pedaled or said nothing about its battle capabilities, it being the second in a series of five vessels able to strike anywhere in the world with nuclear weapons. The ship was slightly heavier and had a completely new and more powerful propulsion plant than its sister ship, the U.S.S. Forrestal, which had been commissioned a week earlier. The Navy did not indicate whether the ship would eventually be switched over to atomic power. It would carry 100 or more jet planes capable of handling nuclear weapons and its principal armament would consist of 14 five-inch guns aimed and fired by radar, just as with the Forrestal.

In Miami, General Thomas White, vice chief of staff of the Air Force, hinted this date in a prepared address to the Aeronautics Committee of the American Legion's National Security Commission, that the Air Force was possibly planning to adopt as an atomic-powered bomber the Navy's new giant jet seaplane. It would represent a marked switch for the Air Force, since it traditionally had frowned on any new move by the Navy into the field of aeronautics. While General White did not specify the Navy jet, it was obvious that he referred to the XP6M-1 Seamaster, a plane which had a top speed of 600 mph, powered by four jet engines built by Glenn Martin Co. of Baltimore, and which had been undergoing flight tests which the Navy said were "unusually promising", with the Navy claiming that the plane could operate anywhere there was water, even from comparatively rough seas, and could be refueled from tanker ships or tanker submarines. The General said that they knew they could build a nuclear-powered airplane and that it would be flying sometime within the ensuing decade, that the atomic plane had been given priority by the Air Force. A major problem, however, had been the shielding of plane crews from radiation from nuclear reactors aboard, as existing reactors required bulky shielding, turning attention to large planes, such as land-based bombers and the Seamaster. (They would also need to build them crash-proof.)

In Laramie, Wyo., investigators sifted through the wreckage of the United Air Lines DC-4 four-engine plane which had crashed on snow-covered Medicine Bow Peak the prior Thursday, trying to discern an explanation for the crash, which had taken the lives of all 66 persons aboard, the worst commercial airline crash to that point in the nation's history. The president of the airlines indicated that the plane was 25 miles west of the established airway when it hit the 12,000-foot peak, 40 miles west of Laramie in southern Wyoming and that it was not yet known why the plane was off course, that it was being investigated by the Civil Aeronautics Board and by the company. Leaders of a group of 150 experienced mountain climbers said that it would take several days to retrieve all of the bodies of the other 59 adult passengers and three crew members, after they had recovered the bodies of two women and two infants the previous day. The bodies were being lowered hundreds of yards by ropes and winches to trails where they were then transported six miles to a summer science lodge of the University of Wyoming, where medical experts were attempting to identify the remains. Only expert mountain climbers were allowed to attempt to go the final few hundred yards up a nearly perpendicular cliff to the crash scene, about 75 feet away from the summit.

In Detroit, the uncle of murdered 14-year old Emmett Till, Mose Wright of Money, Miss., said to a reporter in an interview the previous night that he had spent the night of September 23 in his car in a church cemetery in Money for fear that he would be harmed if he returned home, after the acquittal that afternoon of the two half-brothers, J. W. Milam and Roy Bryant, whom he had identified to law enforcement and during the trial as the kidnapers of Emmett during the wee hours of the morning of Sunday, August 28. The following morning of September 24, a friend had told Mr. Wright that he had seen two men go to his home during the night "flashing a light around". Mr. Wright said that he had been tipped the night before that a group of men were coming to his home, prompting him to leave along with his children. On the night of the kidnaping, Mr. Wright had testified, the two co-defendants, accompanied by a third man whom he could not identify but thought might be black, and a fourth person in an awaiting automobile who might have been a woman, had flashed a flashlight in his face, that of his wife, and those of his sons and nephews visiting him, including Emmett, before taking Emmett from the home, never to have seen Emmett alive again. Since the acquittal by the all-male, all-white jury, following only an hour of deliberation, based primarily on their determination that there was no proof beyond a reasonable doubt that the body pulled from the Tallahatchie River on August 31 was that of Emmett, a conflict had arisen between newspapers in Chicago and Mississippi, with the Chicago Defender and the Jackson Daily News in Mississippi on opposite sides, the latter saying, in a copyrighted story of October 5 by reporter Bill Spell, that Mr. Wright and two other black witnesses, Willie Reed, who had testified to hearing screams of pain in the early morning of August 28 coming from a barn or shed owned by another brother of the two co-defendants and that he observed J. W. Milam walking to a well and taking a drink of water, while carrying a pistol in his pants, and then returning to the same shed from which the screams were emanating, and Amanda Bradley, who had confirmed that she had met Willie Reed that morning when he came to her house near the barn and reported having heard strange sounds emanating from the direction of the barn, were all "captives" of the NAACP. The Defender quoted Mr. Wright and Mrs. Bradley as having denied any such affiliation. The NAACP had picketed the U.S. Customs House in Chicago the previous day during the course of a Senate Internal Security subcommittee hearing there, charging that the verdict had demonstrated that human rights were denied to blacks in Mississippi. The two co-defendants still faced kidnaping charges in Mississippi, with the matter scheduled to go before the LeFlore County grand jury in November. (To avoid confusion from the afore-linked clip, a grand jury can but does not normally hear witnesses from either side of a case or from the defense counsel, but only a summary of the evidence presented by the prosecutors sufficient to show probable cause that a crime has been committed against the named victim and that the defendant is the perpetrator. While in some jurisdictions, an information drawn by the prosecutor charging a crime is sufficient without an indictment, other jurisdictions, such as North Carolina, require, by the state constitution or statute, grand jury indictments for felonies absent a waiver of same by the defendant. No judge or magistrate is present and rules of evidence are not applicable.) The two half-brothers, according to the trial testimony of the LeFlore County sheriff and his deputy, had admitted during the afternoon of August 28, pursuant to questioning about their knowledge of the disappearance of Emmett, that they had taken him, as Mr. Wright had contended, from the home at around 2:30 a.m., but claimed that they had let him go in Money after Mr. Bryant's wife had indicated that it was not Emmett who had been "doing all the talking" inside their country store on the evening of August 24. Kidnaping at the time in Mississippi carried the potential for life imprisonment or the death penalty. Mr. Wright was visiting with his brother-in-law in Detroit and had been in Chicago and Detroit since the end of the trial.

In Raleigh, the first official indication as to what Governor Luther Hodges meant by his "local option" plan had been divulged by his Advisory Committee on Education the previous day, the Committee announcing that it was studying "abolition of the public schools and the organization of private schools perhaps by local option in specially troubled communities." It said that it regarded that as the final step, only if all else failed to produce "a tolerable situation". The Governor had mentioned at two news conferences the notion that a "local option" plan for dealing with the segregation problem was being studied, but had refused to explain exactly what he meant. He had said to the press that if his plea for continued segregation of the public schools on a voluntary basis did not work completely in all communities, the Legislature and the people might be called on to consider some form of "local option", which the press had interpreted to mean that communities would be given the right to decide whether they would desegregate their schools. State Attorney General William Rodman, who had been working closely with the Governor on the segregation issue, contended that the Durham Morning Herald had misinterpreted the Governor's views in that regard. Speaking before a pro-segregation group, the Durham United Political Education Council, Mr. Rodman said that he was certain that they would appreciate the misinterpretation of the Governor's reference to the local option plan, that he was authorized by the Governor to say that the idea was designed primarily to permit communities sometime in the future, faced with the integration problem as a result of court order or otherwise, to close their public schools if they wished to do so and try other methods of educating their children. Mr. Rodman had, on August 23 in a talk in Asheville, indicated that he had "grave doubts" that any plan involving closure of the public schools and having segregated private schools in lieu thereof would pass muster under the Fourteenth Amendment Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution, as interpreted by Brown v. Board of Education—similar to attempts to privatize the primary system of voting to allow primaries to be open only to voters deemed acceptable to the parties for membership, as a private club.

In Asheville, the National Park Service said that the peak of the fall color season in the western part of the state would be October 14-22 and that it would be an unusually beautiful fall season in the Southern Highlands.

There were wet spots in parts of the Eastern quarter of the nation and along the Pacific Coast, but the weather was generally fair in most areas this date. Light rains had fallen in Washington and along the Pacific Coast southward into Northern California. For most other parts of the country, it had been nearly ideal football weather, with temperatures in the morning generally in the 40's and 50's, with higher temperatures in the 60's and 70's confined to the Atlantic and Gulf Coast States, the Southwest and parts of the northern Rockies.

In Charlotte, by noon, it had rained .42 of an inch but the skies were predicted to be clear for the afternoon and through Monday.

In Salisbury, England, royal artillery men admitted this date that they had lost a field gun, then found it perched on the highest ledge of Stonehenge, the ancient Druid monument in Salisbury Plain. The 250-pound gun had disappeared at night from outside a guard room door and at dawn was seen glinting in the morning sun, with no indication of how it had been lifted to the 15-foot high stone ledge. The gunners hinted that a certain neighboring regiment should keep a double guard on its trophies for the ensuing few weeks. Little did they reck of the notion that the Druids have magical powers and still exist by way of heirship.

In London, a Russian fashion expert, Mrs. V. G. Kaminskaya, admitted this date that the Soviets were far behind the rest of the well-dressed world when it came to corsets and girdles, saying that they were "bringing up the rear" and that they knew it, that it was one of the reasons why she was visiting England, to study Britain's achievement in that field. The U.S.S.R., whose population of 200 million was comprised of a majority of women, had no corset factory. A Soviet official had once told the daughter of former U.S. Ambassador to Moscow, Averell Harriman, that they did not need girdles because they liked their women "big and broad".

On the editorial page, "What Nixon Has That Ike Didn't Have" tells of RNC chairman Leonard Hall having been told by the President at their last meeting before the President's heart attack, "to be optimistic and keep smiling", which Mr. Hall had followed so faithfully that even following the President's attack, he had told a party meeting that they were in their best shape in 25 years.

It regards that statement as being more firmly rooted in optimism than fact, for it was now regarded as a forlorn hope that the President would run again in 1956. Vice-President Nixon had stated the prior March that the party was not strong enough to elect a president on its own, that they had to have a candidate strong enough to get the party elected, having in mind President Eisenhower at the time.

At present, the Republicans, at least the "'liberal'" wing of the party, were engaged in searching for another candidate similar to the President, with Mr. Nixon being substituted within his own proposition of the previous March regarding the President. Those who favored him as the substitute pointed out that the President liked him and that the hope of an endorsement by the President was key to finding a substitute nominee. The Vice-President also had a prominent name, having carried the party as a spokesman and key figure in the Administration in its relations with Congress. He had also made a substantial record as a Senator and Congressman, which, it posits, was suitably shaped for the dominant Eisenhower wing of the party. He was an internationalist, having voted for the Marshall Plan in Europe and for military aid bills for Korea, Formosa, China and other parts of the Far East. He had also spoken positively of the U.N. On domestic issues, he had opposed repeal of Taft-Hartley but had favored amendments to it, having helped to draft the original 1947 law, passed over President Truman's veto. He had opposed the farm plan of former Truman Secretary of Agriculture Charles Brannan and the program of compulsory medical insurance proposed by the Truman Administration. He had sponsored the Alaska and Hawaii statehood bills, had supported state ownership of tidelands oil, had favored anti-subversive legislation and measures requiring loyalty checks for Federal employees.

Thus, Republican strategists would find him a serviceable candidate, able to be cast in the image of the President. But he also had a group of dedicated enemies, not just within the Democratic Party. In his home state, Governor Goodwin Knight had been one of those enemies, announcing his intention to control the California delegation at the Republican convention in 1956. The bitter reaction to that prospect from the Nixon faction left no doubt that there was an impending feud at the convention, where there would be no assurance that Mr. Nixon could count on the support of his home state, as the other major player in California was Senate Minority Leader William Knowland, also not a fan of the Vice-President. Many independents also thought that Mr. Nixon had been too cozy with the McCarthyites, and Democrats could not forgive the charges he had made during the 1952 campaign that the Democrats had been "soft on Communism" during the Truman Administration.

But by reason of his position, Mr. Nixon was well situated to seek the nomination, even if there were good reasons to believe that he would have to display first the talent he had used for making friends and influencing people during his Checkers speech of September, 1952, defending his $18,000 campaign fund raised for him by wealthy contributors to pay off his 1950 Senate campaign debt.

"North Carolina's GOP: Heady Hopes?" indicates that North Carolina Republicans were setting their sights in 1956 on the state's 8th, 9th, 11th and 12th Congressional districts, exhibiting audacity and derring-do worthy of Vicki, the escaped elephant which had fascinated Charlotte for 11 days the prior month.

It suggests that keeping the seat occupied by Congressman Charles Jonas in the 10th District was one matter, but extending the line across half the state was "an elephant of a different color." Statistically, the 9th district was the best bet for the Republicans. Only two of the 110 Southern Democrats presently in the House had received fewer than 55 percent of the votes in their districts in 1954, and one of those was Hugh Alexander, representing the 9th district.

But throughout broad areas of the state, the Republicans were plagued by organizational problems, in a past plagued by rigidity of local organizations in many districts. Some districts were now beginning to enlist the support of younger Republicans, but grassroots development would take time and disputes over patronage since 1952 between the Eisenhower and Taft wings of the party had not helped to encourage that development. Money was also a limiting factor, as it had to be allocated to campaigns where the party's chances were greatest. The state's increasing labor vote could also become a discouraging factor for the Republicans in some areas, as Democrats liked to count on labor and noted with more than casual interest that the state's industrial population was increasing. Although the state's western districts were essentially rural, many textile mills were located in that section. In the 11th District, 83.7 percent of all persons were employed in textile manufacturing, and in the 9th, the percentage was 71.2.

It concludes that whether any of the hopes of the Republicans would come to fruition in 1956 remained to be seen, but that if they did, it would require a lot of effort between the present and election day.

"Sears, Roebuck and the Opium Eaters" indicates that news from the Orient had indicated that the Sears, Roebuck catalog had achieved bestseller status in Indonesia, that despite Orientals being unable to order anything from it because of currency restrictions, they were paying $20 to get their hands on one, prompting the U.S. Information Service to stock their overseas libraries with Sears and Montgomery Ward catalogs.

It finds that the country's propagandists would have been terribly dull had they done otherwise, that it was a cynical and hopeless person who was not fascinated by a mail-order catalog, even when the person could not afford anything from it. "A catalog is a thing of manifold uses, too manifold to catalog, and another fact that must be encouraging to USIA people who lived in the shadow of [David] Schine and [Senator] McCarthy is that nobody, but nobody burns a Sears, Roebuck catalog."

We had thought from the sensational title that perhaps Sears was now selling opium on the side, or at least that Senator McCarthy might be seeking a return to prominence with such a charge.

A piece from the Wall Street Journal, titled "Indifferent Service", indicates that it was a common complaint that service was not good at present, whether it was the television repairman who did not show up for two weeks or the carpenter who had not shown up at the television repairman's home. Some people had sought to do something about the matter by attending do-it-yourself programs, but there was a danger that such practice would only compound the complaints, as men who complained about roofers not showing up and so climbed the ladder themselves were likely to end up complaining about the service at the hospital.

It posits that there was a reason for the slow service, especially in home repairs. When the kitchen had held only a hot and cold water tap and a wood stove, there had not been many calls to fix them, but now, with all of the gadgetry and dependency on them by housewives, they had more time from routine chores to do things they wanted to do, such as telephoning the repairman and wondering when he would ever show up. It finds logic in the complaint of the repairmen that they could not get out to repair the gadgets because they were so busy answering the phone and telling ladies why their service was so bad. Repairmen were way behind schedule because of the proliferation of labor-saving devices.

It relates of an anecdote to add to the list of complaints, that one Saturday, instead of waiting for the electric company to restore power, it had gone to the barbershop for a shave, only to hear that the barber could not provide the service because the gadget which produced the lather was off because the electricity was off and he had no other soap.

Drew Pearson indicates that the next Democratic candidate for the presidency might be partially picked the following weekend, as Governor Averell Harriman of New York entertained former President Truman in the Governor's mansion in Albany. Mr. Truman, formerly an advocate for Adlai Stevenson, had changed somewhat, telling close friends that the Democratic race ought be wide open, as the party had several good candidates, that while he still liked Mr. Stevenson personally, his substantial defeat in 1952 might jinx him in the following quadrennial election. The former President had also confided that he believed that the strongest Democratic ticket would be Governor Harriman for the presidency and Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee for the vice-presidency.

It was not clear how far the former President would go in confiding those beliefs to his old friend, Governor Harriman, but he had two reasons for backing the latter, one being that he was loyal to his friends and Governor Harriman had never wavered in his support of the Truman Administration, even when there were substantial problems. Other New York Democrats, such as Bernard Baruch, had held their noses at some of the scandals and walked away from the Administration, while Mr. Harriman remained onboard, raising money and campaigning for the President in 1948, when he was being written off in the general election contest against Governor Thomas Dewey. Mr. Truman also believed that Governor Harriman had excellent qualifications as a candidate, as his name was well known in New York, his family having helped to pioneer the railroads of the nation. He was for big business, but was also ardently pro-labor. He had headed the third or fourth largest railway, Union Pacific, had been part owner of the Illinois Central, part owner of Western Union, and yet his coal mines had been rated by UMW head John L. Lewis as having the best safety record in the nation, with labor backing him completely. He also had experience, having been a Wall Street investment banker, Secretary of Commerce, Ambassador to the Soviet Union and England, head of Mutual Security, and head of the National Recovery Administration during the Roosevelt Administration. He had also appointed some of the staunchest Roosevelt New Dealers to his gubernatorial Cabinet.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop indicate that the policy of the Administration to date had been to underline the dark side of the President's heart attack to avoid arousing false hopes. But actually, the area of damage to his heart had been somewhat smaller than usual and the intense depression ordinarily following a coronary thrombosis usually lasted quite a bit longer than had been the case for the President, who recovered his good spirits on the second day following the September 24 attack. Those latter facts, however, had not been emphasized.

The great question was when the President would be able again to function in the office normally, with prospects being that it would occur in stages, unable to function much at all until the end of October, accepting in the meantime a minimum of visitors while signing only papers which were essential. By the end of October, it was anticipated that he would be able to move back to his farm in Gettysburg, where he would spend another month convalescing, though, according to one high source, able by that point probably to work about as long as he normally did during his Denver working vacation prior to the attack. That would entail a couple of hours per day spent on public business. Around December 1, it was predicted that he would return to Washington, but for a good many months afterward would still have only a limited schedule, with perhaps two hours of work in the morning and two in the afternoon, provided he was feeling up to it.

There had been great confusion in the Administration regarding the delegation of official duties in the meantime, with the Cabinet, the National Security Council, or both, having been widely represented as capable of carrying on the duties indefinitely in the absence of the President. But, in fact, the NSC was only an advisory body, as was the Cabinet, and neither had constitutional executive authority, belonging solely to the President. The members of the "junta" presently governing in his absence were quite aware of that fact, with Vice-President Nixon, the executive chairman of that group, and its two Cabinet-level leaders, Secretary of the Treasury George Humphrey and Secretary of State Dulles showing their awareness of the situation, when they had pleaded with White House chief of staff Sherman Adams to join the President in Denver without further delay. The latter would have preferred to remain in Washington working day by day with that group, but the three men had insisted that none of their actions had authority except from the President and therefore there had to be someone at the President's bedside who would be able to serve as a conduit for Presidential authority.

The Alsops indicate that Mr. Nixon and his colleagues had made the best they could of a bad situation. At least one serious issue already had to be compromised to spare the President, that being the question of maintaining the national defense while balancing the budget, with Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson having been ready to fly to Denver to present the case to the President for defense expenditures when the latter was stricken. Now, Secretary of Treasury Humphrey had contented himself with less than half the defense cuts he originally was seeking.

Problems of that type, however, could not go on being solved indefinitely by such compromises, as only the President could definitively decide such conflicts between known defense needs and pressing budgetary interests, a decision which would have to be made when the President returned to Gettysburg.

The Alsops suggest that it would be difficult for the junta to draw the line wisely between sparing the President and shoving under the rug questions which he ought to answer. For all of those reasons, they conclude, the country could be thankful that the President would be able to start handling the major decisions within a few weeks.

Marquis Childs, in Chicago, tells of the law office of Adlai Stevenson, just down the hall from Dwight Green, whom he had defeated in 1948 in the gubernatorial election, containing a family memento which was prized, that being a framed facsimile of the handwritten autobiography which Mr. Stevenson's grandfather, Jesse Fell, a newspaper editor, had persuaded Abraham Lincoln to write about himself when he was relatively unknown across the country after being nominated for the presidency by the Republicans in 1860.

Those who had talked to Mr. Stevenson in recent weeks agreed that he appeared more confident and more at ease with himself than at nearly any time during the previous four or five years. While that did not necessarily mean he would again be the Democratic nominee for the presidency in 1956, it indicated that he had come through a difficult phase and that he was at present ready for the nomination, should the party leaders agree that he was the best man for it.

After his overwhelming defeat in 1952 to the President, who had carried 39 states against only nine border and Southern states for Mr. Stevenson, he had told friends that he was willing to accept the fate of a defeated candidate and make way for another choice at the 1956 convention. He remained, however, the titular head of the party and leader of the opposition. As such, he had an obligation to carry on in that role, undefined as it was in American politics. He had not left his own political future out of the formulation of his plans while doing so, but felt that he should be out of the picture during the first session of a Republican Congress with a Republican President in 1953.

During that latter period, he had made a trip around the world, studying and writing of problems he found in each area. He then participated actively in the effort to repay the $800,000 in Democratic debt incurred during the 1952 campaign, while working to strengthen and solidify the party. At fund-raising dinners, he had spoken in every part of the country to large and enthusiastic audiences. During the next phase, he had begun the previous fall with an announcement that he felt obligated to resume his practice of law to try to earn his living.

Mr. Stevenson appeared to be reconciled to the probability that three years out of the Governor's office in Illinois, following such a crushing defeat in the presidential race, would consign him forever to the wings, but now found himself still on the political stage and taking quiet satisfaction in what had been largely a personal achievement.

While no one would accept his repeated statements leading up to the 1952 convention that he did not want the nomination, he now wanted to run for renomination and undertake the reforms he had initiated, also feeling a commitment to the people of Illinois to run for governor again. He had actually wanted to remain for another four years as Governor, but had chosen to step aside in 1952 in deference to the presidential race.

He was quite aware of what his rivals for the nomination had to offer and spoke of them with admiration, and it was unlikely that he would contest with them openly for the nomination. He was concentrating on defeating the Republicans, whom he believed to be prisoners of the past and of their intra-party conflicts which were obscured by the President's personal popularity.

A letter writer indicates that a small boy had turned to his mother in a local theater and asked her whether they could stay for the cartoon. They had stayed, but there was no cartoon, instead there having been a 20-minute commercial for the roll-out of the new automobiles. She wonders whether there was such a thing as a "captive audience" and whether a legal point might apply in that case.

A letter writer imparts what she says are true facts about children, indicating that the previous year, people had dreaded riding the bus because of the way schoolchildren were behaving, indicating that she had heard one businessman say that he hoped he would never have to get on the same bus with schoolchildren again. She urges parents to ask their children to behave at school and on the buses, as they threw spitballs, books and anything they could get their hands on. She wonders whether the parents were going to make of the children good Christian boys and girls or "the kind you might be shedding tears over some day". She suggests that even the bus drivers dreaded to see a crowd of rough boys and girls.

A letter from Robert W. Justice of New York thanks the newspaper for its article of September 28 regarding a former resident of Charlotte making good in New York City, that on the same day the article had appeared and the following day, his phone had rung constantly from old friends and residents of the city, congratulating him on the achievement. He says that he was sorry he could not remain for a longer stay in Charlotte, and that it had grown far beyond his recollections.

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