The Charlotte News
Thursday, September 30, 1954
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that in London, at the nine-power conference regarding rearming of West Germany and granting it full sovereignty, a German spokesman said this date that the conference had approved a compromise plan for establishing and controlling a European arms pool, dividing responsibility for safeguards against unfettered German rearmament between a new seven-nation European pact, consisting of Britain, France, Italy, West Germany and the Benelux countries, and the 14-nation NATO. Previously, France had insisted that the seven-nation pact exercise controls, while Britain and the U.S. wanted NATO to have exclusive supervision. The compromise was put forward by Belgian Foreign Minister Paul-Henri Spaak. The German spokesman said that the compromise had the approval of West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and French Premier Pierre Mendes-France, as well as the other delegations. Helping to finalize agreement was the pledge by British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden the previous day that British troops and air forces would be maintained on the European mainland indefinitely, provided the conference succeeded in its goals. Secretary of State Dulles had also said that he would urge the President to renew the U.S. pledge to maintain troops in Europe, provided a rearmed West Germany would be brought into NATO. Chancellor Adenauer predicted that the delegates would finish their work this night, leaving details to be worked out by experts.
At the U.N. in New York, it was reported that Soviet delegate Andrei Vishinski might unveil new atomic proposals to the General Assembly during the afternoon, probably to be another demand for a ban on nuclear weapons. Most delegates believed that he would reiterate his Government's refusal to join President Eisenhower's atoms-for-peace plan, a proposed pooling of nuclear resources for peaceful development of atomic energy. Secretary of State Dulles had previously rejected a Soviet condition that such a pooling arrangement be tied to a declaration outlawing nuclear weapons, because it did not contain any provision for international inspection.
Attorney General Herbert Brownell announced this date that the Justice Department's antitrust division had disapproved the proposed merger of Bethlehem Steel Corp. and Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co., saying that the two, ranking second and sixth, respectively, among "fully integrated" steel companies, carried on substantial competition between them regarding a number of products, and that permitting the merger would be violative of the policy expressed in the Clayton Act, favoring "arresting trends toward concentration in an industry." The Department said that a merger did not necessarily have to result in a Sherman Act monopoly to be illegal, and that the Clayton Act, as amended in 1950, had been designed to reach monopolies and restraints of trade in their incipiency, while outlawing acquisition of stocks or assets where the effect, in any line of commerce or section of the country, of such an acquisition could substantially lessen competition or tend to create a monopoly. Assistant Attorney General Stanley Barnes, head of the antitrust division, said recently that the Department had been concerned about the large number of mergers which had been transacted or projected among the large companies during recent months. He had strongly advised that projected mergers be discussed with the Department before action was undertaken, noting that his division only advised and that anyone could proceed at their own risk. On the New York Stock Exchange, stocks of both steel companies had dropped, with Bethlehem down a dollar per share from the previous day's close, and Youngstown down two dollars.
In Atlanta, negotiations for a new contract covering 50,000 non-supervisory workers for Southern Bell Telephone Co. had been recessed this date until Monday, with no reason being given for the recess. The vice-president of Southern Bell said that the Communications Workers of America had refused to accept the firm's no-strike demand, the only issue holding up signing of a new contract, that the union had been inclined to accept the wage proposal calling for an increase of up to $2.50 per week.
A U.S. airlift of relief supplies for flood-ravaged northwest Honduras swung into full operation this date, as transports from Albrook Air Base were loaded with emergency rations, medicine, water purifying equipment and dismantled helicopters. One report said that between 1,000 and 2,000 flood victims were marooned on rooftops and in trees, the floods having come from heavy rains which had been unrelenting since hurricane Gilda had struck the prior Monday. The waters continued to wash through vast banana plantations and a number of villages had been flooded and isolated. Loss of life was described as light, as most had fled to higher ground.
In Philadelphia, a 12-year old Dutch girl said that she did not like living alone but managed to stay occupied enough to prevent boredom and loneliness. She arrived in the country less than three years earlier and had an apartment in a central Philadelphia hotel, where she cooked and maintained house for herself, when she was not in school. She had been living there alone since her father, an electrical engineer, had returned to the Netherlands for a visit more than a month earlier and then had found himself barred by immigration rules from immediate re-entry to the U.S. The girl had attended camp during the summer and returned to Philadelphia on August 21, since then living alone, with the female hotel manager keeping a motherly eye on her, saying that she was very independent and self-sustaining. She attended a private school run by Quakers and had made many friends during her three school years, passing part of her time with them and devoting many hours to reading and studying. Her father had been in the U.S. for eight years, having originally entered as a first preference classification because his services were urgently needed by an American firm. He returned to Europe without the knowledge of his employer, and an extension of the first preference classification had been rejected because the firm had advised immigration officials that it was no longer interested in his services. Immigration officials said that he could return to the country under a first preference classification based on employment with another American firm declaring his services to be urgently needed or could come back under the regular quota system. He had written to his daughter that he was trying through both Dutch and American officials to effect his re-entry.
In Bettendorf, Iowa, a seven-year old girl, who had leukemia and was not expected to live until Christmas, received an early Christmas with Santa Claus visiting her the previous night at her family home, with friends and neighbors stopping by to help boost her spirits. The room was filled with packages and gifts from all over the country, and there was a Christmas tree which the girl had helped to decorate. Santa gave her a lovely birdcage with a live parakeet inside, her second bird. One neighbor had brought a doll for her and another, a cake with a doll resembling the little girl. Her parents had not told her or her two younger brothers that she would die, with the early Christmas being explained by telling her that she might be in the hospital when Christmas arrived. She wondered to a neighbor if she would get so much at the next Christmas, to which the neighbor did not reply. We suppose it is to be hoped that she could not read at age seven.
Don Whitehead of the Associated Press continues with the second article of a series regarding the history of the Weather Bureau, telling of it developing a new forecasting method to predict tornadoes, of which 530 had hit the nation the previous year, primarily in the Midwest and Southwest. Unlike hurricanes forming out of the Gulf and the Caribbean, with hurricane watchers able to track them for several days before danger struck, tornadoes often appeared with no warning, creating a path of destruction, disappearing as quickly as they had formed. Part of the solution could be recognition of a "pressure jump line" or "squall line", which advanced before a cold front smashing into a warm, moist mass of air. Meteorologists had known for some time that when the cold and warm fronts met under certain conditions, there was the likelihood of tornadoes over a wide area.
In New York, Whitey Lockman of the New York Giants, originally from Charlotte, competing in game two of the World Series this date, after his team had won the first game the previous day 5 to 2 over the Cleveland Indians, tells of it having been a great day for the Giants, who had won the game on a three-run homer by pinch-hitter Dusty Rhodes in the 10th inning, but that had it not been for manager Leo Durocher's hunch, more runs might have been needed to win. He recounts that in the top of the 10th inning, the Indians had runners on first and third, with Bob Lemon at bat. Mr. Lockman had been playing first base tightly, and Mr. Durocher signaled for him to play behind the runner, at which point Mr. Lemon swung at the next pitch and lined it right to Mr. Lockman for the third out. That meant the game, ultimately, but had he stayed where he had been playing, it would have been a base hit, with at least one run scoring and possibly setting up more. He says that he believed they had won because of their underestimated relief pitching and the wind.
On the editorial page, "Protecting Charlotte's Tree Life" indicates that trees had always been a part of the charm of the South, lining the streets of the smaller towns and villages. To remove the oaks, magnolias, pines and willows of those towns would leave many communities as bare as Tucumcari, N.M.
Charlotte was not an exception, as the city's trees were important, part of its civic personality, adding beauty and gentleness to the urban landscapes.
The previous day, the City Council had approved of creation of a commission to protect and maintain the trees in the city, and it approves of that move, with the next step being to pass a tree ordinance, which would regulate the planting of trees and shrubbery for public safety and convenience, protection of the city's present trees, and encouragement of future plantings of many varieties of trees. The beautification committee of the Chamber of Commerce was urging passage of such an ordinance, indicating that 85 percent of the trees in the city were willow oaks, highly susceptible to oak wilt, which had reached the western part of the state after infecting the central states.
It indicates that with so many trees in the city in jeopardy, arrangements needed to be made quickly to replace them, one of the major tasks of the commission being to create a tree nursery to breed the young magnolias, evergreens, laurel oaks, live oaks, dogwoods, sugar maples and other suggested varieties.
In the meantime, it urges that every effort ought be made to maintain public awareness of the beauty and value of trees, inside and outside the city, lest residents find themselves in the position of Ogden Nash, who had once written: "I think that I shall never see/ A billboard lovely as a tree,/ Perhaps unless the billboards fall,/ I'll never see a tree at all."
"Democrats Asked for Drought Relief" indicates that the Agriculture Department had reversed itself the previous week and designated 12 North Carolina counties as drought disaster areas, thus enabling farmers there to obtain cheap livestock feed through a Federal subsidy. Six of the counties were in the Ninth and Tenth Congressional Districts, both of which had strong Republican Congressional candidates, the Tenth having the only Republican Representative from North Carolina, Charles Jonas.
It indicates that it appeared possible that politics had played a role in the reversal by the Agriculture Department, especially with the midterm elections approaching, but that the Republican Administration had not selected the 12 counties. Sometime earlier, the state's Drought Committee had requested Federal aid for 13 counties, and the Administration had granted the request for 12 of them, after Governor William B. Umstead, Senator Sam Ervin, plus several Congressmen from the state, had made strong appeals to the President. A request by the Governor for aid to six additional counties, including one in the Ninth Congressional District, had not been granted. The district which received the most help was the Eleventh, four of the counties among the 12 being in that district.
All 46 South Carolina counties, in which Republicans were even more scarce than in the Eleventh District of North Carolina, had been approved by the Administration for receipt of disaster relief.
It concludes that it would keep looking for political favoritism, but thus far found none.
"Unity Must Not Stop at the Channel" indicates that the London conference of nine nations seeking a compromise plan for enabling West Germany to rearm under the auspices of NATO, to replace the rejected European Defense Community treaty, failed of ratification recently in the French National Assembly, appeared to be on the verge of reaching an agreement to accomplish its aims.
Secretary of State Dulles had given his usual talk regarding Europe needing to exhibit "a climate … of unity and cohesion" to continue to receive U.S. aid, or, should "dissension, disunity, revival of threats of war" continue, the U.S. would be inclined to withdraw
Canada pledged continued support for NATO, and the British, who historically had shunned irrevocable commitments on the European Continent, promised to maintain British forces there as long as a majority of its Western European allies wanted them to remain, with the proviso that if an "acute overseas emergency" were to arise, they would reserve the right to withdraw their troops.
With those commitments, France appeared ready to agree that German rearmament could occur and very likely agreement would be reached by the nine nations on that point.
But the U.S. and Britain appeared to continue to disregard the need for political unification of the Atlantic nations, not wanting to be irrevocably bound, while urging Western European nations to form a union. Canada was willing to be so bound, but only if the U.S. and Britain did so, would there be any meaningful, strong Atlantic alliance, the piece finding it to be the problem which the diplomats continued to ignore.
"Pat McCarran Was a Fighter" indicates that Senator Pat McCarran of Nevada, who had died the previous day at age 78, had been a fighter who, at the time of his death, had been waging a vigorous battle in his home state against the loss of power in the state political machine, which had been weakened by liberal, younger politicians, causing him to undertake an extensive speaking campaign which wound up costing him his life. He had a heart condition for several years and two prior heart attacks, and so was well aware of the risks he was undertaking.
He had been best known for advocacy of immigration restrictions and high tariffs, being a champion of the mining industry, and his former investigative work as chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee and its subcommittee on internal security. He had also authored the Civil Aeronautics Act of 1938 and the first Urban Redevelopment Act passed by Congress, and had co-authored the Civilian Pilot Training Act of 1939.
It concludes that the Senate would be a duller place without him.
A piece from the Greenville (S.C.) Piedmont, titled "Who's Crazy?" indicates that at a mental hospital at Ogdensburg, N.Y., a 72-year old patient had been found to have $160 on his person and more than $4,500 hidden away in old worm cans, which he had obtained by digging for worms, selling them and then hiding the money over the course of nine years. It indicates that there was no overhead, no squabbling partners, no business license, and no taxes, finding it quite a way to do business, asking "who's crazy now?"
Drew Pearson indicates that the late Senator Charles McNary of Oregon, after whom a dam was dedicated by the President the previous week, would have been uneasy had he heard the dedication speech. The Senator had been a great Republican and a friend of Mr. Pearson, had authored the McNary-Haugen Bill, the first effort to set up economic guarantees for farmers. He had also been a conservationist and protector of the national forests, plus a great advocate for public power, helping to pioneer the Bonneville Dam when others had scoffed that it was his "socialistic boondoggle" which would never pay off. Because of those stands, the Republicans had chosen him as the vice-presidential nominee in 1940 to run with Wendell Willkie. Senator McNary would have been therefore uneasy with the President for expressing opposition to the McNary dams of the future, as well as with Secretary of Interior Douglas McKay, an automobile dealer from Portland, who had just given to private interests a large section of the Rogue River National Forest, and was planning to allow cutting of 50,000 acres in the Olympic National Park by the timber interests. The Secretary was also maneuvering to turn over the oil reserves of Alaska to private exploitation, despite the objection of Naval officers and career men in the Interior Department. Mr. Pearson indicates that it might be the largest bonanza which the oil industry had been provided for some time and might also become a political hot potato once the Democrats became aware of it, as so far it had remained fairly quiet.
Senator Leverett Saltonstall of Massachusetts had written a confidential letter to the President, warning him not to become involved in another Teapot Dome scandal, which had plagued the Harding Administration, resulting from the same type of giveaway to private interests. That letter had been removed from the files, along with other critical correspondence, but Mr. Pearson had been able to obtain a copy, dated March 4, 1954. Senator Saltonstall had suggested to the President that he present to the National Security Council for determination the matter of the disposition of Naval Petroleum Reserve No. 4, the letter causing such hesitation in the Department of Interior that it now appeared that the Reserve would not be released to private exploitation without the approval of Congress. Secretary McKay, however, had another oil reserve of 25 million acres set aside for the Government in Alaska, which he also wanted to turn over to private oil companies, after it had been declared public land in 1944, currently under consideration by the Department of Interior.
Mr. Pearson reviews the Teapot Dome scandal, which involved Edward Doheny carrying a little black bag containing $100,000 to Secretary of Interior Albert Fall to obtain in return the Navy's most valuable oil reserve. After the scandal had erupted, the Government, in 1923, took over 23 million acres of Alaskan oil lands for the Navy, which was now the Reserve No. 4 in question, and in 1944, the Government had set aside an additional 25 million acres of Alaskan oil land under the public land order. Meanwhile, the Navy had spent about 50 million dollars prospecting for oil and gas in that general area, and had located one field, partly in Navy territory, partly outside it, plus a gas field, which extended considerably outside Navy territory.
Secretary McKay, along with Secretary of the Navy Robert Anderson, presently Undersecretary of Defense, wanted to open both fields to private development, which would give private oil companies the benefit of 50 million dollars worth of Government geophysical research, meaning that the oil companies would not need to explore the area themselves. When they obtained the oil, they would only need pay a 12.5 percent royalty to the Government, whereas the Navy obtained an 89 percent royalty from Standard Oil of California, which now leased the Elk Hills Reserve, one of the fields involved in the Teapot Dome scandal. Meanwhile, Secretary McKay appeared ready to delay any disposal of the Navy's first Alaskan reserve, No. 4, until Congress acted, but might dispose of the aforementioned 25 million acre reserve at any time, and the latter area appeared to have more oil than the former.
Joseph & Stewart Alsop indicate that Senator McCarthy had pretty much lost his "zing" some time before the recommendation of the Senate select committee the prior Monday that he be censured on three grounds.
His supporters were making some trouble for Congressman Clifford Case of New Jersey, running for the Senate, but it was about the only state where Senator McCarthy was a serious campaign issue, and Mr. Case was convinced that he would gain more than he would lose from the attacks by the small group of organized pro-McCarthy extremists.
Reportedly, Vice-President Nixon had set out to bolster the midterm election chances of Republicans, expecting to find the same trouble everywhere which was besetting Mr. Case in New Jersey, but instead finding, to his surprise, that the subject of Senator McCarthy was rarely being mentioned, either in public meetings or press conferences, or even in discussions of Republican prospects with local organization leaders.
Too, there had been little complaint registered regarding the decision of the White House strategists not to use Senator McCarthy as a leading campaign orator, with most of the Republican organization leaders admitting that he had now become more of a liability than an asset in terms of obtaining votes for candidates.
A high official of the DNC had remarked that in the elections for all of the House seats and 37 seats in the Senate, he did not know of one where Senator McCarthy was a major issue, except perhaps in New Jersey.
The Alsops conclude, therefore, that there had been widespread awakening within the Republican organization to the political drawbacks of the Senator, before the recommendations by the select committee that he be censured.
In the Wisconsin primary, the most important result had been a series of rebukes to the McCarthy state organization, and against that background, the recommendation of censure had an air of finality about it, after the six Senators had heard the case against Senator McCarthy and taken judicial care in rendering their verdict unanimously. It was an open secret that had Senator McCarthy not been so arrogant, defiant and unwilling to admit he could ever have made a mistake, their verdict might have been different. But his unwillingness to admit a mistake resulted in the recommendation of censure, on the basis of his flagrant contempt of the Elections subcommittee investigating his finances in late 1952, refusing to appear before it, regarding his outrageous treatment of Brig. General Ralph Zwicker in February, 1954 before his Senate Investigations subcommittee investigating supposed subversion at Fort Monmouth, and his abusive statements regarding other Senators.
Senate Minority Leader Lyndon Johnson had indicated that he did not care whether the debate on the censure resolution occurred before or after the midterm elections, placing the onus on Senate Majority Leader William Knowland to make the decision to defer until after the elections, a maneuver by Senator Johnson, as the Democrats were not much more anxious than the Republicans to reconvene the Senate prior to the midterm elections.
The Alsops indicate that the debate on censure would be long and nasty, with the Senator and his friends filibustering at the very least, and if the Republicans did not do well in the midterm elections, would contend that the President had lost the election by refusing to make over the Republican Party in the image of Senator McCarthy.
"But this kind of temporary furor will not put McCarthy-Humpty Dumpty back on the wall, from which he bullyragged uncounted citizens, intimidated great numbers of his colleagues, and spoke with condescension to the President himself."
They indicate that he would not attain such an eminence again, unless something unforeseen happened, that his type of politician would not rise again unless developments abroad spread "the poison of fear in America", that the real problem was what to do at present about Senator McCarthy and the enduring effects which McCarthyism had on the procedures and climate of the Federal Government and on many other aspects of national life.
Frederick C. Othman, who was substituting for vacationing Marquis Childs, writes from Maracay, Venezuela, about visiting the Parque Nacional de Rancho Grande, where the tigers, jaguars, alligators, eagles and other large animals were not separated from the tourists by iron bars, and signs warned against molesting the beasts. He assures that he and his wife had not done so and had a great time touring the jungle preserve.
The preserve had come to be through the late Vincente Gomez, the tyrant of the Andes who had ruled Venezuela for 25 years from his palace in Maracay, becoming one of the most hated men in history. He had figured that it would be good to have a handy method of escaping town in a hurry and so built a two-lane road through 14 miles of virgin jungle between the town and the coast, had it paved in concrete, then began digging a harbor where he intended to keep his yacht at the ready. In the middle of the jungle on the side of the mountain with a view of an island-studded lake, he began an elegant private hotel of perhaps 50 rooms for his and his friends' use. When he had died in 1936, only the road had been finished, and it remained in perfect shape as only the dictator was allowed to ride on it. The present government of Venezuela made the private jungle a national park and opened the road to whomever wanted to drive on it.
Mr. Othman tells of the experience, finding the jungle smells sweet, with red-blossomed Jacaranda trees, vanilla plants growing across the jungle floor, orchids clinging to every branch, ferns several stories tall, and plants all over the place with leaves the size of spread newspapers. Waterfalls came down from the peaks on all sides and birds with red tails two feet long fluttered in the trees. Almost all of the streams had gold in the beds waiting to be panned.
They visited the Gomez hideaway, which had only been half-finished and remained mostly without a roof, intruded by the flora of the jungle. The Government planned to complete the home by the following year and turn it into a hotel, and Mr. Othman finds that it would be a superb place from which to contemplate the view and wax philosophical, recommending it especially to tyrants—"household, industrial, or otherwise. Should make pleasanter citizens out of 'em."
A letter writer from Pittsboro wonders what the country would gain by delaying admission of Communist China to the U.N. Meanwhile, the U.S. was critical of France for being wary of rearmament of its old nemesis, Germany. He wonders why the U.S. risked a war in Asia over control of Formosa, that by that sort of reasoning, including Formosa in the U.S. defense perimeter, Cuba would be a part of Russia's line of defense. To wage a war in China would mean a great waste of U.S. manpower, in a war where Russia did not need to sacrifice any troops, leaving the U.S. virtually defenseless at home, while undertaking such a venture without allies. He advises cooling off and trying a realistic approach, proposing to Russia and its satellites, and the Western Big Three powers, that they guarantee the neutrality of an unarmed, united Germany, while agreeing to abandon the fight against Communism in Asia, where the U.S. could not contain or check it.
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