The Charlotte News

Thursday, September 23, 1954

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that at McNary Dam in Oregon, the President declared this date that any trend toward "conversion of local regions into Federal satellites poses a threat deadly to our liberties." He said that the Administration and the present leadership in Congress were "unalterably opposed to such malignant growth of bureaucracy", encouraging more local development of power resources. The statement, part of his opening salvo in the midterm election campaign, came as part of the dedication ceremony of the dam on the Columbia River, indicating it as an example of "national responsibility properly assumed by the Federal Government". He was starting a three-day trip through Montana, Washington, Oregon and California. In Missoula, Mont., the previous night, he addressed an estimated audience of 30,000, saying that the Administration's basic policy was that American citizens generally were better qualified to look after themselves than a bureaucrat in Washington. The President was flying to Los Angeles this night, where he would address a political rally in the Hollywood Bowl, and the following morning would speak informally at the annual convention of the AFL, which had been critical of Administration policy toward labor. The President did not express the desire for continuity of the Republican Congress in his speech in Oregon, but did have kind words for Republican Senator Guy Cordon, running for re-election.

At the U.N. in New York, Britain warned this date, in a statement before the General Assembly's 15-member steering committee, that political stability and peace in the Aegean area would be harmed if the Assembly were to agree to consider the claims of Greece on the island of Cyprus, stirring potential animosities between the Western allies. The British were competing with Greece for claim to the island. The British delegate contended that the island's colonial status was an internal affair, outside the purview of the U.N. Despite the warning, the committee voted 9 to 3, with three abstentions, to add the matter to the agenda, with Britain, France and Australia casting the dissenting votes, while the U.S., the Netherlands and Colombia abstained.

In Tokyo, a Japanese fisherman, Aikichi Kuboyama, 40, who had been dusted by radioactive ash during the hydrogen bomb detonation on the prior March 1 at Bikini Atoll, had died this night in a Tokyo hospital. He had been the radioman aboard the fishing vessel exposed to the fallout, approximately 80 miles from the site of the detonation, outside the Atomic Energy Commission's designated perimeter of danger. He was one of 23 fishermen aboard the boat, all of whom had been hospitalized, but the others appearing to be recovering. The U.S. had offered Japan a million dollars in damages for the injuries to all 23 men.

Senate Majority Leader William Knowland of California advised Senate officers this date that it might be several days before a decision was reached on when the Senate would reconvene to consider as a whole the censure resolution against Senator McCarthy. Five days of notice in advance of calling the session was required by Senate rules. Several Senators were urging that the session not be called until after the midterm elections on November 2. The six-Senator select committee studying the charges brought pursuant to the resolution and preparing a report of recommendations to the full Senate, had, at last report, intended to provide its report in a little over a week, on October 1 or 3.

At Fort Sheridan, Ill., Lt. Colonel Harry Fleming, the first U.S. Army officer court-martialed for conduct as a prisoner of war, had been sentenced this date to dismissal from the service, along with forfeiture of all pay and allowances, for collaborating with the Communists while he had been a prisoner in North Korea. The court-martial panel, consisting of 11 colonels and lieutenant colonels, had deliberated for 12 hours before fixing the punishment. Colonel Fleming stated that he was thankful to God that he was out of prison, both the one in which he had currently been serving since his detention on May 19, as well as that of the Communists. He vowed to do everything he could to clear his name, stating that dismissal from the service was pretty hard to take. He expressed thanks for the support of his friends and those who had never heard of him but who had mailed to him hundreds of letters wishing him well. He said that he planned to enter the marine supply business, which he had wanted to enter for the previous 20 years. His wife expressed happiness that he was out of jail, saying that she had not seen him much during the previous four years.

At Inchon, South Korea, most of the remainder of the U.S. Second Infantry Division still in Korea sailed this date for its new base at Fort Lewis in Washington, carrying 1,025 men who had completed their overseas duty. Those with time left to serve in Korea were transferred to one of the other divisions remaining in the country. President Syngman Rhee of South Korea expressed gratitude for the service of the division while in Korea.

In Pusan, South Korea, Korean employees of the U.S. Army this date canceled a threatened 24-hour strike to demand the ouster of Polish and Czech truce inspectors from an allied housing compound, without offering explanation for the cancellation.

In Bitburg, Germany, the mayor reported that 22 American, French and German officials had died late this date when a U.S. Air Force gasoline storage tank had exploded while they had been inspecting it. The mayor's office said that the dead men had been members of a 40-man commission who were atop the tank when it exploded, shooting flames 1,000 feet into the air. A duty officer at the nearby Air Force Base could not immediately confirm the German casualty report. The tank was reported still to be burning 2 1/2 hours later, with German firemen and U.S. servicemen attempting to keep it from spreading to another nearby tank.

In Jefferson City, Mo., a riot, which had started the previous day at the Missouri State Penitentiary, was quelled this date after four inmates had been killed and 30 injured, along with three injured guards, with at least eight prison buildings destroyed or heavily damaged by fire. Heavily armed troopers of the State Highway Patrol had moved into the prison during the morning, abating the riot and getting the inmates to return to their cells after the troopers began firing riot guns at them. Officials estimated that damage might reach five million dollars. More than 500 officers and Missouri National Guardsmen from all parts of the state were deployed in and around the prison.

In Raleigh, an attorney representing the family of Eleanor Rush, an 18-year old inmate of Woman's Prison who had died a month earlier after having been restrained by guards and the superintendent for making excessive noise, winding up with a broken neck resulting from the restraints, filed a lawsuit in Wake County Superior Court this date, alleging that two prison officials and four guards had negligently caused her death, seeking $50,000 in damages. The claim also was filed pursuant to the State Tort Claims Act with the State Industrial Commission, which allowed for a maximum of $8,000 in damages resulting from the negligence of State employees. A three-person coroner's jury, which included the district solicitor, the coroner and a retired school teacher, had previously ruled that Ms. Rush's death had resulted from her own struggle against the restraints and that the prison officials had been justified in using those restraints, thus clearing them of any negligence in her death. As indicated, eventually a $3,000 damage award by the Commission in September, 1955 would be upheld in 1957 by the State Supreme Court, after a finding by the Commission that there had been negligence in the application of the restraints and in leaving her alone afterward.

In Asheville, N.C., at the Western North Carolina Conference of the Methodist Church, district superintendents consulted with ministers this date regarding new appointments, hearing from several speakers. The conference the previous day had postponed action on a long declaration regarding public school segregation, backed by several Methodist leaders, including Bishop Costen Harrell of Charlotte, after the Rev. Charles Bowles, pastor of the Dilworth Methodist Church of Charlotte, had won a two-day delay on adoption of the declaration, contending that the 1,500 delegates needed additional time to deliberate on it. It recommended to the conference that it "affirm the belief that this issue must be worked out in the light of the teachings of Jesus Christ", that it "reaffirm our belief in the inherent dignity of every individual and of every citizen's rights, regardless of race or social standing, to the full benefits of the public school system. We declare anew our allegiance to Christian teachings applied to every area of human endeavors." The Rev. Leroy Scott read from the 1952 general conference statement by the Church, that "there can be no place in the Methodist Church for racial discrimination or racial segregation."

Harry Shuford of The News indicates that Myers Park residents in Charlotte were incensed by the invasion of thousands of birds, specifically starlings and purple grackles, swarming into their neighborhood at about dusk every evening, screeching and dive-bombing houses, cars, trees and almost everything in sight. They had been met by men with shotguns and rifles, housewives with banging pots and pans, and children dashing around to look at the falling birds. A bird expert said that they were stopping in Charlotte during their migration southward, flocking together to migrate to warmer environs, and would move southward as soon as it became a little cooler. One resident said it sounded like July Fourth during the evening, as guns were going off all over the place. The City Code forbade the shooting of guns within the city unless the person had a special permit from the Police Department. A police captain said that there had been no marked increase in applications for such permits or complaints regarding shooting in the Myers Park district. A resident said that the shooting was not helping much, that it just scared the birds away to someone else's yard, and pretty soon, they returned. A housewife said she banged some double-boiler pans together and that scared them away. Another woman said that she had read in a magazine about a tape recording made of a starling's distress call, and she had written the professor at Penn State who had made the recording, seeking a copy, but was informed that a New York firm had the commercial rights to it, that she was continuing to endeavor to acquire a copy. She said that the Health Department had told her that unless the birds were in her house, they could not do anything about it.

Be careful about lighting matches around any service stations in the area.

In Lexington, Ky., a firm offered to pass out a few parcels of free ice cream the previous day, and the wife of a farmer from near Conover, N.C., had written that she would be looking for her half-gallon of ice cream in the mail, after finding one of 125 gift letters sent out in 5,000 gas-filled balloons released the previous Saturday at the Kentucky-Maryland football game, the firm responding that they would send it to her if it was humanly possible. Just one other gift letter had thus far turned up. You can drink it, once it arrives.

On the editorial page, "Planning for Tomorrow's Traffic" indicates that all metropolitan planners warned that the number of automobiles competing for space in American cities would increase appreciably in the years ahead and that the best way to solve the problem was with a system of expressways and broad main routes with a minimum of traffic interruption. Such improvements would inexorably cause local controversies, especially in already developed areas, a price which cities such as Charlotte had to pay for not instituting a satisfactory system of municipal planning much earlier.

It indicates such a problem with the Providence Road area, providing the details, and indicating that Providence Road was a part of a problem for people getting in and out of the city while living in a fast-developing part of the county, and that piecemeal solution of the problem would always provoke controversy, urging the need for broader applications of long-range, overall planning.

"So Far, It's an Ethical Campaign" indicates that leaders of the two major parties who agreed during the month to conduct high-level campaigns were thus far to be congratulated, as the campaigns were being conducted fairly, with occasional instances of courageous candor, and without resort to demagoguery.

As columnist Doris Fleeson pointed out in her column on the page this date, Secretary of Labor James Mitchell had the courage to criticize the AFL when he had addressed the labor organization's convention recently, and Adlai Stevenson had spoken in a similar vein before the American Legion in 1952, such speeches being so rare as to merit commendation.

It finds it apparent that from the recent speech of former President Truman and speeches by Mr. Stevenson and Democratic Congressional candidates, Republican conduct of foreign policy would become a major campaign issue, appropriately the case because of its failures and the importance of foreign policy to the nation. But it is thankful that the Democrats had not suggested that the failures were the result of subversion and espionage, as Republicans had done when Democrats had been in power. Republicans thus far in the campaign had shown an encouraging inclination to run on proper issues instead of against dead "spies". That was occurring in part because Senator McCarthy had been relegated to the wings. Though he might emerge before the end of the campaign, should a Senate session called just prior to the election to consider the censure charges against him touch off a flood of malevolent demagogy, it appeared, at present, that the Republicans would not choose to use him as part of the campaign.

It concludes that it could not say what the campaign would entail before election day on November 2, but it hopes that the clean trend would last.

"'Before the Horse Is Stolen'" indicates that Dr. M. B. Bethel, the City-County health officer, had restated the case for fluoridation of Charlotte's water supply the previous day before the City Council, saying that they wished to bolt the barn door before the horse was stolen, the piece finding it neatly summing up the strategy of scientific and professional groups seeking the continuation of the program started in Charlotte five years earlier. It indicates that if Charlotte would become the next target of the anti-fluoridation campaign, then Dr. Bethel and his colleagues were acting wisely by taking the offensive. Such a campaign had recently occurred in Greensboro, causing the City Council there to back down and authorize a study before determining whether to continue the fluoridation program.

Mayor Philip Van Every had stated on behalf of the Council that those assembled at the meeting, which included the chairman of the Charlotte Dental Society's fluoridation committee, the chairman of the health committee of the North Carolina Congress of Parents and Teachers, and City and County health and dental officials, looked very impressive. The piece seconds the impression.

"The Year's Gayest, Gaudiest Season" tells of the beginning of autumn being the season for things to begin to come again, with schools and colleges opening, business picking up, football being played, and crowds surging along the streets with quickening steps while hearts beat faster. It finds that no one would mourn the passing of summer, with its heat and humidity, says that to William Cullen Bryant, such days of fall were "the melancholy days … the saddest of the year," a sentiment which it finds wrong, asserting instead autumn as the "season of hope and joy and renewed vitality."

A piece from the Sanford Herald, titled "On Family Money", indicates that most married men appeared to share the interest in a news item which had appeared a few days earlier, telling of a judge having ruled it a crime for a wife to sneak or steal money from her husband's pockets.

It finds it curious, as in its experience, the little money around the house was under the control of the wife, finding the same to be true in most households of which it was aware. It relates that on a Sunday morning recently, when the writer noticed some currency scattered on a dresser top, he had inquired as to whether it was his wife's money or belonged to both of them, concluding that trying to make other arrangements appeared to lead to litigation.

Drew Pearson tells of the Federal Power Commission having opened hearings the previous day on natural gas rates affecting consumers in Michigan, Wisconsin and other Northern states. At the same time, certain members of the FPC had become friendly with gas and electric lobbyists, in contrast to Commission members of prior years. The members were now accepting free junkets paid by the gas and utility industry, which could never have occurred when the late Senator George Norris had been overseeing the power lobby. He indicates that since one of former President Truman's assistants, Don Dawson, had been treated to headlines for having his hotel bill paid during a visit to Miami, it would be a good idea to scrutinize the FPC, which had far more power than a White House assistant.

The previous year, three Republican members of the FPC had been taken on a tour of the Southwest by the Texas Mid-Continent Oil and Gas Association, with all of their expenses paid. The FPC general counsel accompanied them, traveling, however, by car because of ear trouble preventing his flying, also paid for by the gas company. When questioned about the matter, the FPC chairman said that he considered it proper to take the trip as the guest of the entire industry. Mr. Pearson finds it significant that the commissioner appointed by former President Truman and another commissioner who had been on the Commission for more than 20 years, had not attended. He relates that the chairman, who appeared to be a sincere though naïve gentleman, admitted that he had attended a cocktail party in his honor given by a partner in the law firm which represented the West Coast Transmission Co., at the time applying for a certificate to serve the Pacific Northwest with natural gas service. At that party were the other Republican commissioners of the FPC, along with one of the most active power company lobbyists in Washington, and after the party, the chairman and his wife, plus one other commissioner and his wife, had allowed themselves to be taken to dinner by the lobbyist. He indicates that the activities of that lobbyist were so amazing that they would be taken up in a separate column, but touches on his social activities.

Mr. Pearson notes that the FPC was presently considering one of the most important cases in the nation, price rates to be charged for the transmission of natural gas north from Texas and Louisiana, after the Commission had previously held that it lacked power to regulate the rates, until the Supreme Court had reversed that decision, leaving it to the Commission to determine what the rates should be. Mr. Pearson indicates that its judgment should not be influenced through favors provided to members of the FPC, favors for which members of the Truman Administration had been criticized by Republicans.

Senator Frank Carlson of Kansas, a member of the six-Senator select committee studying the censure resolution against Senator McCarthy, had prevailed on Senator Eugene Millikin of Colorado to chair the investigation, but the latter had ducked out on the basis of his seniority.

Senate Majority Leader William Knowland of California had been excusing Senator McCarthy for taking $10,000 as a fee for writing a relatively short pamphlet on prefabricated housing for the Lustron Corp., a prefabricated housing firm, and for taking money for speaking engagements, Mr. Pearson indicating that apparently Senator Knowland had forgotten the circumstances under which the $10,000 had been paid to Senator McCarthy, via check dated just a week after the Senate Investigating subcommittee, then chaired by the Senator, had started a probe of Lustron. The Senator, as vice-chairman of the Joint Housing Committee, had also been making speeches around the country in support of prefabricated housing. Mr. Pearson finds it no surprise then that the president of Lustron had boasted of having "powerful friends" in Congress. The firm, after receiving substantial Federal loans after the war, had gone bankrupt.

Doris Fleeson indicates that Secretary of Labor James Mitchell had started the Republican midterm election campaign by being the first person to discuss seriously campaign issues in plain talk. He had gone before a hostile AFL meeting and told them how the Administration deserved credit for social advances such as expansion of Social Security coverage and increased benefit payments, and had refused their frequent designations of him as "a well-meaning person" who lacked influence at the White House. He invited his audience to forget the clichés and examine the record.

Ms. Fleeson indicates that it might not work but had very often, that such candor and good sense proved enticing to voters who had been cool to the "huckster slogans" of the Vice-President and the "happy platitudes" of the President.

On the Democratic side, Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee intended to tackle the issue of foreign policy in San Francisco during the week, set to review the confused course which had preceded the fall of Indo-China and the French rejection of the European Defense Community treaty. He also anticipated issuing some warnings about the present course of Secretary of State Dulles, believing, upon his recent return from Europe, that the greatest pressures building up in Germany were for unification, and finding no guarantee that those pressures would not prevail. Senator Kefauver would then proceed to tour 19 states, the most extensive speaking tour of any Senator during the year. Although up for re-election in November, he had already won the Tennessee primary, essentially assuring him the general election in the one-party state. He would proceed from California to Oregon, to assist Richard Neuberger in his effort to unseat incumbent Senator Guy Cordon, intending to reply to the President on public power based on the Senator's long experience with TVA, a key issue for Mr. Neuberger.

Such an extended tour raised the question of Senator Kefauver's presidential aspirations for 1956, which he had assured were nonexistent. But Ms. Fleeson indicates that he only naturally would hope for an open convention, which then might select him. (Of course, the Senator would narrowly beat out Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts for the vice-presidential nomination, after presidential nominee Adlai Stevenson would throw open the choice of the vice-presidential nominee to the convention.)

Ms. Fleeson indicates that while Senator Kefauver had never been quite accepted by such Southern Senators as Richard Russell of Georgia and Harry F. Byrd of Virginia, it was possible that because of his televised 1950-51 itinerant organized crime committee hearings, he had become the best-known Democratic Senator with the rank-and-file voters, with his mail indicating that he had a following in nearly every state.

The Congressional Quarterly indicates that Congressional investigators had conducted 117 probes during the previous 13 months, to bring to 215 the number of inquiries launched by the 83rd Congress, and that additional probes would be undertaken prior to the seating of the 84th Congress in the ensuing January. Ninety-eight of the investigations had been undertaken during the first session in 1953. Since the adjournment of that session, the House had initiated 57 investigations, and the Senate, 52, with eight started by joint committees. Investigations begun since the end of the first session in August, 1953 had been dominated by internal security issues, including the search for Communists, subversives and security risks within the Government.

By comparison, the 82nd Congress had undertaken 236 investigations.

The most publicized Communist-hunter was Senator McCarthy, with his Investigations subcommittee having undertaken seven of the 29 Congressional internal security probes since the adjournment of the first session. Sixteen Senate inquiries had dealt with internal security, all except two having been conducted either by the McCarthy subcommittee or the Judiciary subcommittee on Internal Security, headed by Senator William Jenner of Indiana. Other noteworthy Senate inquiries had concerned the rising coffee prices and the windfall profits to builders from housing financed under FHA.

The House had undertaken ten anti-Communist investigations, most of them handled by HUAC, with the House having also investigated labor racketeering, taxed-exempt foundations, coffee prices and alleged "coddling" of athletes in military service.

Joint committees had undertaken two anti-Communist probes and one inquiry into housing abuses.

Thirty-one of the inquiries had only held one day of public hearings, though such a single day might have been preceded by several weeks or months of preliminary staff work.

The most publicized inquiry had been the Army-McCarthy hearings, following the Army inquiry which began as a one-man closed hearing conducted by Senator McCarthy, beginning August 31, 1953, eventually leading to the investigation of Fort Monmouth and its secret radar facility, particularly the case of the Army Reserve dentist whom Senator McCarthy claimed had Communist affiliations. During the course of that inquiry, Senator McCarthy had inquired of Brig. General Ralph Zwicker regarding why the dentist had been provided an honorable discharge and promoted from captain to major after refusing to testify before the subcommittee regarding his prior subversive associations, leading to a complaint by Secretary of the Army Robert Stevens that the Senator was browbeating the General, ordering Army officers henceforth to ignore summonses to testify before the subcommittee, leading to the dispute which became the Army-McCarthy hearings, which had begun in late April and lasted through mid-June, including 161 hours and 49 minutes of televised hearings, occurring over 36 days.

Afterward, Senator Ralph Flanders of Vermont had introduced the resolution of censure, and the six-Senator select committee was then seated to study the matter and make recommendations to the full Senate, those recommendations still pending.

The 83rd Congress had set aside 7.6 million dollars for investigations or studies, and the Senate had $568,000 in carryover funds from the previous Congress. By comparison, the 82nd Congress had appropriations of 6.7 million dollars for the purpose, irrespective of carryover funds.

Historically, the first Congressional investigations had occurred in 1792 by the 2nd Congress, initiated by the House, looking into the disaster occurring during the St. Clair expedition against the Indians. Since that time, only three Congresses had not undertaken any inquiries, while no single Administration had run its course without such an inquiry. One such Congressional investigation had uncovered the part of General James Wilkinson in the so-called Burr Conspiracy in 1810, another had forced the resignation of Ninian Edwards, Minister to Mexico and author of the "A. B." plot in 1824, and another had led to the establishment of the Government Printing Office in 1860. Other notable investigations through the country's history had been into the Credit Mobillier scandal of 1872, frauds in the star route mail service in 1884, and the forced resignation of Secretary of the Interior Richard Ballinger following his sensational 1911 controversy with chief forester Gifford Pinchot over conservation of natural resources.

During the period 1869 through 1877, the two terms of President Ulysses Grant, incompetence and corruption within that Administration had led to 37 Congressional inquiries aimed at remedying the bad conditions. Another series of Congressional investigations had occurred in 1923-24 during the Teapot Dome scandal, helping to rid Washington of the "Ohio Gang" operating within the Harding Administration, resulting in the resignations of two Cabinet officers, one, Secretary of the Interior Albert Fall, having been convicted of bribery, and the firing of the director of the Veterans Bureau.

Congressional investigations had been made into the conduct of every war in which the U.S. had participated, except the Spanish-American War, which President William McKinley had forestalled by appointing the Dodge Commission to make that investigation. Congressional investigations had also resulted in the impeachment of President Andrew Johnson in 1868 and Secretary of War William Belknap in 1876, both acquitted in Senate trials.

A myriad of Congressional investigations have occurred, of course, since 1954, the most significant of which having been the hearings before the Senate rackets committee, chaired by Senator John McClellan in 1957-59, concentrating on Teamster pension fund fraud and racketeering, the 1973 Senate select committee investigation of the Watergate scandal, chaired by Senator Sam Ervin, the ensuing House Judiciary Committee hearings on articles of impeachment in 1974, the 1975-76 Senate select committee to study Governmental operations with respect to intelligence activities, chaired by Senator Frank Church, concentrating on illegal domestic spying and other illegal CIA activity, including its involvement in foreign assassinations and coups, the House Select Committee on Assassinations of 1976-78, which re-examined the 1963 assassination of President Kennedy and also looked at the 1968 assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, the 1987 joint special committee investigation of the Iran-Contra, arms-for-hostages scandal, the 1998-99 impeachment of President Bill Clinton based on alleged lying about an extramarital affair with a White House intern, during a civil suit deposition regarding the unrelated Paula Jones matter, allowed to go forward during his Presidency by a politicized Supreme Court, the most politically vindictive and baseless impeachment ever conducted thus far in the nation's history, the joint Intelligence Committee investigation of the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, and the thwarted attack on the Capitol or White House, and, most recently, the two impeachments of Donald Trump, the first, in 2019, conducted before the House Intelligence Committee and then summarized before the House Judiciary Committee, based on abuse of power and obstruction of Congress in connection with his illicit solicitation of a bribe, seeking political benefit from a foreign government in exchange for foreign aid, seeking the help from the President of the Ukraine to investigate his 2020 political opponent, then former Vice-President Joe Biden, implicitly to obtain release of improperly Trump-impounded aid money for the Ukraine, and the second, in 2021, based on his having openly encouraged followers to participate in the Capitol insurrection of January 6, the day of formal counting of the previously certified 2020 electoral college results, riots premised on the patently false and wholly unsupported claims of a "stolen" 2020 election, as well as the ensuing Senate Judiciary Committee and House select committee investigations of that insurrection and the preceding efforts of the Administration to undermine the integrity of the election by seeking to overturn it through illegal and extralegal means.

Robert C. Ruark indicates that his wife had marched in recently with a handful of clippings, angry that he had consistently made her appear as a monster in his columns, saying that people were surprised when they met her to find that she did not have two heads, to which Mr. Ruark replied that he always thought of her as having two heads. He goes on in that vein, concluding: "Then I went on to tell her that she was a prop, a stock villain, and she was Mama in my mind and The Old Warrior as well, and I wasn't going to disillusion any male readers and lose the source of my best dull-day copy. Then I beat her a little bit, and gave her simulated-skunk coat to the Salvation Army." He then says that he went to the house of a friend to write the column, and was now running away.

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