The Charlotte News
Friday, February 12, 1954
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that in Seoul, the South Korean Government information agency stated this date that it had offered a full army division to fight with the French Union troops against the Communist guerrilla rebels in Indo-China, and sought help from retiring General James Van Fleet in training and organizing the divisions, as he had done with the South Korean Army and previously in Greece, saying that it was making the offer pursuant to two urgent appeals from the Laotian Foreign Minister. Laos faced imminent invasion by the Vietminh rebels encamped in an advance party of some 1,500 troops on the other side of the Mekong River opposite the Laotian capital, Luang Prabang, with another 10,000 troops moving southward toward the capital. The statement also declared that the war in Korea had been "stalemated by those who pursue a selfish, personal interest and who seek to prevent us from unifying our country", adding that, therefore, the least they could do was to help a neighboring nation before it was completely overrun by the enemy. It went on to say that while some Americans might oppose active intervention to help stem the spread of Communism in Southeast Asia, they believed that an overwhelming majority of Americans would applaud "a realistic approach to the problem", as most of them knew that to lose Southeast Asia was "to give up to Communism the whole of the Asian continent and its adjacent waters and islands." A source in the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Paris said that it had no information regarding the offer.
In Tokyo, a Japanese newspaper said that U.S. Air Force units were flying small-scale supply airlifts from Japan via Formosa and the Philippines in support of French troops in Indo-China.
In Berlin, at the Big Four foreign ministers conference, Soviet Foreign Minister V. M. Molotov demanded again this date that the issue of Trieste be included in consideration of the Austrian independence treaty, indicating that the four foreign ministers should put a clause in the treaty that Trieste would be demilitarized, ending the present occupation by British, American and Yugoslav troops. The U.S. and Britain had indicated the previous October that they were prepared to withdraw and turn over administration of their zone to Italy, prompting bitter reaction in Yugoslavia and movement of troops to the border with Trieste. The Russians had sought once previously to link Trieste with the Austrian treaty and the West had rejected it, stating that it was a Soviet attempt to block and delay final formation of the Austrian treaty, which previously had stalled on differences over five points. Mr. Molotov would likely propose this date additions to the treaty, involving economic reparations to Russia as defined in previous treaty negotiations, which Austria had sought to reduce; plus a new definition of troop withdrawal to permit the Soviets to remain indefinitely in Austria even after its sovereignty was declared under the treaty.
Diplomatic officials said this date that the U.S. had decided to give substantial military aid to Pakistan, regardless of protests by India, that an American military survey mission would go to Pakistan to examine its armed forces and determine the amount and type of military equipment needed. A formal announcement of the decision would be delayed until after Pakistan and Turkey signed a defense, economic and cultural pact being negotiated by the two countries in secret, with the encouragement of the U.S., expected to be formally announced within days.
Elton C. Fay of the Associated Press reports that U.S. armed forces had received or were asking authority to purchase more than three billion dollars worth of guided missiles, which they had started procuring four years earlier. He indicates that the figures had been made available this date in response to a reporter's questions and that it did not necessarily mean that the U.S. arsenal presently contained those missiles. It showed the effort being devoted to production of robotic weaponry to augment and eventually supplant conventional weaponry of the three services, and was also indicative of the emergence of guided missiles from the drawing boards and laboratories to actual production. The Air Force received the largest part of the authorized funding for the missile contracts, about 1.3 billion dollars worth, placing its major focus on medium and long-range surface-to-surface missiles. The Matador missile, with a range believed to be about 500 miles, had been in production for more than a year, and a second missile, the Snark—the object of the hunt—, with a purported range substantially greater, was approaching production. The Army had been allocated about a billion dollars for the missile contracts, presently stressing the Nike anti-aircraft guided missiles, in mass production for more than a year, the surface-to-surface Corporal and one other, presumably semi-guided heavy field artillery rockets, designated the Honest John. The Navy had received 742 million dollars for missile procurement, and had in production several missiles, including the Regulus, a surface-to-surface missile to be used in firing from ships or from submarines, and also two anti-aircraft missiles, the Terrier and Sparrow, for defense of ships against enemy planes.
Representative John Rooney of New York said this date that someone in the State Department must have leaked the story about the number of security dismissals in the Department which had supposedly been effected under the Eisenhower Administration. The Alsops two days earlier had disclosed that in secret testimony before a House Appropriations subcommittee, Scott McLeod, State Department security administrator, had said that of 534 security dismissals, just 11 were attributed to reasons of questionable loyalty, and the Alsops had determined further that seven of those had been initiated under the Truman Administration. Mr. McLeod, on a Republican-sponsored speaking tour, described the figures attributed to him by the Alsops as inaccurate, but provided no others. Mr. Rooney said that the exact facts of the matter would appear when the testimony was made public by the committee, and that the facts would speak for themselves, that Mr. McLeod should be back in Washington "looking into his own office". Newsmen were confused about whether Mr. McLeod was violating the Hatch Act by engaging in political activity, while top State Department officials were in Berlin for the Big Four conference.
Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson this date announced the resignation of Howard Gordon, a North Carolina native, as administrator of the Agriculture Department's Commodity Stabilization Service, responsible for big crop control and price supports, and the appointment of James McConnell, a New York farm leader, as his successor. Mr. Gordon had also resigned as president of the Commodity Credit Corporation, which financed the price-support operations, a post to which Mr. McConnell would not succeed, a successor not yet having been picked.
The President departed this date for a weekend of quail hunting on the south Georgia estate of Secretary of the Treasury George Humphrey, departing with two personal friends, Cliff Roberts, chairman of the board of the Augusta, Ga., National Golf Club, where the President often played and had a vacation home, and W. Alton Jones, chairman of the board of the City Service Corp. En route to the airport, the President stopped to lay a wreath of red, white and blue carnations and purple irises at the Lincoln Memorial.
In Chicago, prosecutors said this date that they planned a quick trial after seeking a grand jury indictment early the following week, then would seek the death penalty against Lee Parker, 20, who had admitted he strangled a pretty sixteen-year old high school sophomore. A coroner's jury the previous day had recommended that Mr. Parker, an ex-Marine, be held for indictment by the grand jury for the murder occurring the prior Tuesday night. The piece indicates that he was shaking so badly that his handcuffs rattled as he related details of the crime at the inquest, explaining to the jury that he had said a prayer every night since March, 1950, but was impulsive, that he used to blow his top every day but nobody wanted to do anything about it. He said that he had picked up the girl the prior Tuesday night at a drugstore where she worked and driven her to a nearby parking lot where they engaged in necking, and at some point he strangled her to death, taking her body to an area at the rear of the drugstore and covering it with his coat, discovered the next morning by a drugstore porter, leading to Mr. Parker's detention for questioning a few hours later. He said he was imprisoned in San Diego during his stint in the Marines for going AWOL, having gotten into some bad company, then yelled: "All they did was give me a discharge as undesirable. Nobody did a thing for me." But he had been praying ever since. While he was testifying, a Marine officer approached him and removed an honorable discharge pin from his lapel. He was unemployed and was living with his foster parents, had been married and divorced when he was 17, and had also served a prison sentence for hold-ups committed in San Diego. The girl's mother testified that her daughter had been engaged to a young man in military service and had left home the previous week to live in a nearby hotel, to find out what it was like to earn her own living before getting married. Whether the young man she intended to marry was Mr. Parker or another was not made clear by the story. Anyway, there is a large missing block of activity between the "necking" and the strangulation.
A photograph appears of a person who had been sentenced as a man to the Ohio Penitentiary for embezzlement, as Vernon Bradshaw, turning out to be Viola Bradshaw, a woman from West Virginia, whose actual sex was disclosed by her brother after her sentence had been imposed in Columbus, the judge then changing her sentence to consign her to the Ohio Reformatory for Women. Her picture, as Vernon, is included.
In Beverly, Mass., a four-year old boy and his three-year old brother had been riding on a toy fire engine on the sidewalk when they lost control, causing the toy to go over the curbing and collide with a car which was stopping at a traffic light, both boys winding up in the hospital.
In Charlotte, Torrence Hemby, chairman of American Trust Co., declared in a prepared statement this date that there was no foundation for quotations attributed to him by former Governor Kerr Scott, who had visited with Mr. Hemby in recent weeks but had not sought and had not received his support. In a speech the previous night in Ahoskie, Governor Scott had implied, as quoted by the Charlotte Observer in its morning edition this date, that Mr. Hemby and his bank supported Mr. Scott's candidacy.
Also in Charlotte, Harry Shuford of The News reports that the U.S. Army had plans for winning the battle regarding the recently increased prices on coffee, running a test in New England to determine whether soluble coffee would be acceptable to the Army, according to General Ira Evans, deputy for operations in the office of the Quartermaster General, responsible for purchasing coffee and other supplies. He said that thus far, the Army had not felt the pinch from the increased price, as coffee had to be bought regardless of the price, just as beef had to be bought regardless of the price, that the Army had a three or four-month supply of coffee beans already on hand. He said that the Army bought the coffee beans right off the boat and, with the Navy, did its own roasting and grinding. He said that if prices remained high, then coffee would have to be rationed to the troops. The General was in Charlotte on a routine staff visit at the Quartermaster Depot, his first visit to the post since he had taken over the position in October, 1951, though it was his fifth scheduled visit.
In London, it was reported that
rising temperatures spread dense fog over much of England this date,
hampering sea and air transportation and cutting visibility to a few
yards in some places, although most of London had escaped with
nothing worse than a hazy mist. Stay tuned, as it may rain
On the editorial page, "Dead Cats Should Be Buried"—replete with an extracted caricature of a dead cat at its end—tells of a recent Herblock cartoon picturing the Bricker amendment as a dead cat, while four Senators stood around looking puzzled about what to do with it, as John Q. Public stood by with a clothespin over his nose and a spade in his hand, all under the caption, "Want a suggestion?"
It agrees with the cartoon and suggests that the amendment ought to be buried, as there was no need for the amendment, with ample safeguards already available against the abuses of executive authority which it sought to remedy. Yet, there were many in and out of Congress who wanted to revive it.
Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts had recently listed those existing safeguards, in extended remarks printed in the Congressional Record, summarized in the New York Times, in which he had reminded the Senate that a vote of one-third plus one would prevent treaty ratification, and that even if a treaty were ratified, it could be done with reservations requiring that further legislation be passed to make it internal law, and that the President or the Senate could provide that a treaty was effective only in those states whose laws did not conflict with it. Furthermore, he had pointed out that following ratification, Congress could modify the effect of a treaty as internal law by legislative act, requiring only a simple majority vote. Finally, the President and members of the Senate could be impeached if they violated their oath to uphold the Constitution.
Parenthetically, on that latter point, the late President Kennedy—though we must always hesitate to ascribe to any deceased person certain views anent events occurring subsequent to their death, even though generally consistent with their principles evinced while alive—, would likely have been quite appalled at the 43 Republican Senators who voted on Saturday, February 13, 2021, not to hold Trump accountable for his conduct on January 6 and prior to that, encouraging plainly revolt against the determined results of the 2020 presidential election, which he roundly lost, resulting in the deadly riot at the U.S. Capitol that date, interrupting and delaying for several hours the counting of the electoral votes, which had already been certified by the various states, the counting being only a formality which is never subject to serious contest, even though a statutory procedure exists to object to individual state certification, reserved for the unusual case of skulduggery in certifying the electoral votes, certainly not present in 2020 in any state, whether its people voted for Trump or for former Vice-President Joe Biden. The fact that more members of Trump's captive party voted for conviction than in any prior case of impeachment of a President, speaks to the clarity of the evidence against Trump, that he was guilty under the article.
Notwithstanding the 43 kowtowing cowards doing genuflecting obeisance to their totemic demigod, rationalizing the vote to acquit on the basis that a former officeholder cannot be impeached, despite ample precedent to the contrary among lesser Federal officeholders, we especially have to provide our devoirs to the seven Republican Senators who voted for holding Trump accountable for the conduct under the single article of impeachment, charging that he incited insurrection with his speech that date, and by his words and actions in the preceding two months following the November 3 election, consistently refusing to concede defeat, to congratulate President-elect Biden, the while maintaining a completely false claim that the election was "stolen" by chicanery of Democrats and even the complicity of some Republicans when the matter could not be laid to the feet of Democrats, then urging his ardent followers who had gathered at his urging in Washington to protest the final vote count of the electors, "to fight like hell" to keep from having their government stolen from them, among many other statements of the kind in the days and weeks leading up to January 6.
The matter must now pass to the Justice Department for consideration as to whether it merits being brought before a grand jury regarding Trump's incitement of the deadly rioters, whether he should be charged criminally as an aider and abettor of the riot or as a co-conspirator in its formation and planning.
The piece continues that the framers of the Constitution had argued the questions raised by the Bricker amendment, fully aware that the powers vested in each of the three branches of government could be abused, but also realizing that the Constitution was only a framework for the Government and so provided for checks and balances of each branch on the others. While the President was provided authority to run the executive department, Congress was given control of the purse strings and the Senate was given the power to confirm Presidential appointments. The Congress had the power to make laws, while providing the President the power to veto laws, and the power, in turn, of Congress to override any such veto by a super-majority vote of two-thirds of each house. And the President was given the power to enforce the laws, and the judicial branch, to interpret those laws.
The treaty-making power was provided to the executive branch, to enable transacting of foreign policy, while the Senate was given the sole power to ratify treaties by a two-thirds super-majority of those present. Under the Supremacy Clause, treaties were recognized as part of the supreme law of the land, along with the Constitution and laws of the United States, the Constitution having been interpreted by the Federal courts as being the utmost supreme law of the land in the case of any conflict with treaties and the laws. Under the Articles of Confederation, preceding the adoption of the Constitution, the young country had negotiated treaties and it had been necessary to specify that treaties had to take precedence over state constitutions and legislative acts.
It regards as flimsy the argument put forth by the supporters of the Bricker amendment, that abuse of the treaty power might lead the country unwittingly into some form of world super-government, indicates that the world was already a great community, though chaotic, and that the only way to preserve order was to establish such a super-government or to negotiate treaties and agreements based on reason and justice, the treaty-making power thus serving as the best protection against a super-government.
It concludes that the Bricker amendment was, as Herblock had described it, a dead cat, and should be buried.
But don't forget that cats have nine lives. Better, perhaps, to have characterized it as a dead dog, or at least the hair of the dog that bit them.
As for the resurrection of Trump, absent a legal bar to his ever again holding Federal public office, we make no predictions, as the cultish nuts who follow him, finding him mesmeric, know no bounds of reality and reason. But, thanks again are due the seven Republican Senators who voted their consciences rather than party fealty. Let us hope that their dedication to principle will eventually sway the entirety of the Republican Party back to some semblance of reality in fact and away from the fantasies, often fascist in their implications, perpetuated during the last two or three decades by "reality tv".
Incidentally, Senator Kennedy, three days after his above-summarized remarks on the Bricker amendment, made additional comments, saying that if the Senate were to proceed on the assumption that two-thirds of the Senators would ratify a treaty which contravened the Constitution, then it would be equally possible for the President and the Senate to conspire to pack the Supreme Court, and for the House and two-thirds of the Senate to destroy the independent power of the President through impeachment, that the Constitutional system is not only "a system of checks, balances and laws, but it also presumes ... the existence of rational men." His statement thus imputed the Constitutional presumption of rationality to a duly constituted majority of the House voting to impeach a President on impeachable grounds, treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors, and to the Senators then voting to convict on same. And, it might be noted in the present case regarding Trump, that he has rebutted the presumption of his own rationality by his actions and statements of the last three months.
As the Frank Interlandi
"TVA and Reds Are of Public Concern" indicates that a House Appropriations subcommittee, of which Congressman Charles Jonas of the district was a member, hearing appeals from Tennessee Valley residents for more funding for TVA, heard the matter in a closed session for which there was no valid purpose. While Congressman Jonas told of what had gone on during the hearing, reporting of it necessarily was second-hand.
The Alsop brothers had been able to acquire the story of State Department security officer Scott McLeod having admitted before a House Appropriations subcommittee, also meeting in executive session, that he had not found any Communists in the State Department, despite a year of inquiry into the matter, a story which the wire services had subsequently confirmed through unnamed Democratic members of the subcommittee.
It finds that the penchant in Congress for secrecy was nothing new, that during the first three months of 1953, Congressional committees and subcommittees had met 659 times, exclusive of House Appropriations subcommittee meetings on budgetary matters, and of those meetings, 217 had been closed to the public, while 22 had been partly closed, leaving 420 which were open. The House Appropriations subcommittees also held frequent closed meetings. It concludes that members of both parties in Congress, therefore, were infringing on the people's right to know of the public business and that it was proper to remind the majority Republicans of their platform promise not to infringe, "by censorship or gag order", the right of a free people to know what their government was doing.
"Good Start" indicates that Senatorial candidate, former Governor Kerr Scott, had pledged to adhere to the Young Democratic Club code of practical ethics for political campaigns. It finds that it would be difficult, in the heat of battle, for any candidate to adhere to that code fully, and even more so for overly eager campaign lieutenants. It wonders whether his opponent, incumbent interim Senator Alton Lennon, would also agree to adhere to the code. It does not explain the specific tenets of the code.
A piece from the Salisbury Post, titled "Round Numbers", indicates that one of the Rockefeller heiresses, at the 40 million dollar level, had been reported to have adopted two little boys who would eventually inherit 20 million each, striking the editors as a pretty wonderful thing, as parents had sought a new goal for youngsters to replace that of growing up to be President, as now there was only a fear that the youngster might do so, and so now there was the possibility of being adopted by wealthy foster parents.
It suggests that time would tell whether the concept of adopting two children to inherit 20 million dollars each was preferable to adopting a million children to inherit $40 apiece. But, it concludes, any way one looked at it, there was the seed of a nice idea in operation.
Harry Golden, in a piece from the Carolina Israelite, of which he was publisher and editor, begins by relating that artist James Montgomery Flagg had once toured the Lower East Side of New York, when he came across a peddler with unusually smiling eyes, "the face of the humorist rather than the scholar", telling in his eyes the story that no matter what enemies of the Jews did, the Jew remained unimpressed, and that when the pogrom had run its course, the one remaining Jew would likely write a book of humor. Such men, by wearing old clothes and peddling on the street to eke out a living, could still preserve the Sabbath and follow Orthodox Judaism. They would often lead the congregation in prayer or deliver a lecture on the Sabbath, willing to turn their children over to America which they believed was for the good.
Soon, there were about five or six other peddlers gathered around the scene where Mr. Flagg had stopped to talk to the single peddler, inviting him to pose for a portrait at his studio a few days later.
When the peddler got home and told his wife and two daughters of the meeting and invitation, they were initially elated, but then lapsed into silence, eventually indicating that he would have to purchase new clothes so as not to disgrace the family with his old clothes, even if it would cost some money. Accordingly, the following afternoon, they went downtown and bought him a new blue serge suit and a black derby hat, discarding his old wide-brimmed hat and clothes. Then, after admiring his new apparel, his wife and two daughters encouraged him to cut off his long beard, which, after some extended argument, he agreed to do in the interest of his new association with a foremost American artist, thus sacrificing his religious scruples as an Orthodox Jew.
The next morning he caught the Fifth Avenue bus, after his daughter had run after him with a rolled-up umbrella which she believed was a nice thing for him to carry in his visit to Fifth Avenue and the great American artist at Central Park South. But when the peddler got there and presented the card of invitation previously given him by Mr. Flagg, he saw the artist's demeanor completely change into anger, whereupon he disappeared into his rooms, from which the peddler could hear breaking glass, screams and many doors slamming, while the peddler stood in front of the open door for some 20 minutes before finally giving up and returning home.
When subsequently describing the scene to his wife and daughters, they resigned themselves to the fact that it had all been a fake, while the peddler, standing beside his pushcart, kept wondering how long it would take for his beard to grow back.
Drew Pearson again discusses his television interviews with Igor Gouzenko, the Soviet code clerk who had exposed the spy ring in Canada after having pilfered from the Soviet Embassy numerous secret documents and turned them over to the Canadian Government and newspapers. During Mr. Pearson's second interview with him, he had advised that there would be war between the U.S. and Russia within a decade if it was left to the Soviet military, unless the U.S. penetrated the Iron Curtain, that scores of highly placed Russians would be glad to desert Communism and join the West if given proper security, that the way to convert American Communists away from Communism was by persuasion rather than terrorism before Congressional committees, and that the free world had not begun to scratch the surface in wooing people from behind the Iron Curtain, the weak point of Communism and the way to prevent war. He also said that he had never heard the name Harry Dexter White mentioned while he was coding and decoding cables for the Soviet spy ring in Canada, which, ventures Mr. Pearson, was probably one reason why the Senate Internal Security subcommittee had said little about Mr. Gouzenko since their interview with him in Canada recently. He also told Mr. Pearson that he had heard from one of his colleagues returning from Moscow that the Kremlin was cooperating with an assistant to former and deceased Secretary of State Edward Stettinius during the U.N. Charter conference in San Francisco in the spring of 1945, at which time Alger Hiss had been chief assistant to Secretary Stettinius.
He had objected to the necessity of wearing a mask for a television interview to avoid detection by the Soviet secret police, saying that radio was the best method of reaching people behind the Iron Curtain because, even though few people listened to American radio, those who did spread the word by mouth and those living behind the Iron Curtain were eager for news. When Mr. Pearson had informed him that the State Department was developing a plan of perfecting a small radio about the size of a cigarette pack to be dropped behind the Iron Curtain—a reference to what would commonly become known as a portable transistor radio—, Mr. Gouzenko had responded that it was an admirable project, that the Russian people would keep it and use it, as they liked tangible gadgets from the West.
When Mr. Pearson had asked him what he would suggest to encourage more Russians, Poles, Czechs and others with important military or diplomatic information to defect to the free world, he talked at length about a subject which he had stressed to Senators William Jenner and Pat McCarran of the subcommittee when they interviewed him in Canada, saying that every potential escapee faced a problem as to whether he would be accepted as a member of free world society and so needed to be provided assurances in advance, assured of a decent job, police protection, and material help. He also needed to be assured that he would not be humiliated in the West by perhaps being placed in a menial job.
Marquis Childs, in Chattanooga, Tenn., discusses TVA and its impact on the Tennessee Valley, indicates that the residents and businessmen of the region served by it had grown increasingly resentful of attacks on the power and flood control project by critics who regarded it as an example of "creeping socialism". An organization formed to defend the project had raised $40,000 in a few months, most of it in one and two-dollar contributions. They resented most the charge that it was a handout for hillbillies of the region, instead regarding it as a national asset, contributing to the security and well-being of all of the country.
In support of that claim, they cited the fact that soon, more than half of the power produced by TVA would be used by the Atomic Energy Commission for production of raw materials for production of atomic weaponry, that without it, the atomic weapons program would have been slowed.
Oak Ridge, the wartime atomic project, was located in Tennessee for its remoteness from enemy bombers and because of the huge amounts of power necessary for fission of uranium. In addition, two plants for production of titanium for jet airplanes were being located in the Valley for the same reason, the need for power.
A large amount of the balance of the power generated by TVA was used by other plants which needed large amounts of power to process aluminum and other metals for the defense effort.
Notwithstanding those undeniable benefits, the project represented a divide between Republicans and Democrats regarding the role of government, with TVA representing the recognition that government had, under certain circumstances, to be a partner in the economy. TVA supporters pointed further to TVA's revenues, amounting to 200 million dollars in the coming fiscal year, paying back the Government's investment in it. Yet, Republicans rejected any form of Government investment, with Secretary of the Treasury George Humphrey repeatedly asserting that private business, with proper stimulus, could provide the necessary expansion without government help to provide increased jobs and income. In consequence, Republicans wanted to cut funding to expand TVA to meet the expanding needs of the Valley, proposing to cut its power output to the AEC by 500,000 to 600,000 kilowatts, turning the difference over to private utilities, though it would cost the Government more in the long-run.
The term of present TVA chairman Gordon Clapp, who succeeded David Lilienthal when the latter became AEC chairman, was set to expire the following May. Both Mr. Clapp and his predecessor had worked to resist having TVA made a part of the patronage system which former Senator Kenneth McKellar of Tennessee had sought, and to maintain it on a civil service basis. But leading Republicans wanted to have a successful businessman, Harry Carbaugh, succeed Mr. Clapp, a dedicated Government civil servant. Though Mr. Carbaugh was widely respected as having founded the largest chicken and egg business in the South, he would be opposed by those who believed his appointment would constitute a radical departure for TVA from its founding concept, constituting ultimately a struggle between the past and present philosophy of government.
Robert C. Ruark, still in Sydney,
Australia, discusses the mass pandemonium
The Queen's appearance had little fanfare attached, with a band waiting for hours, playing show tunes from "South Pacific" and the like. Her main state dinner had been held in the David Jones department store.
He remained impressed by the adulation accorded the young Queen and her young husband, the Duke of Edinburgh, as nothing like it in the U.S. was comparable. He suggests that perhaps the throngs were merely gathering so that they might tell their grandchildren of having seen the Queen. The Queen and the Duke were only following ceremonial ritual for the sake of public relations of the British Empire, but he was impressed and thrilled to see them and and would be able years hence to recall the sunny day in Sydney when it happened and when the band had played "Doggie in the Window".
Did you just implicitly equate the Queen with a doggie? You may wind up in the Tower.
Framed Edition
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