The Charlotte News
Wednesday, July 29, 1953
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Robert B. Tuckman, that the withdrawal of the two opposing armies from the demilitarized zone in Korea had continued smoothly this date as the Thursday night deadline for the completion of withdrawal approached. The allied and Communist troops, who, a few days earlier, had been fighting each other, now worked within shouting distance of each other salvaging material and dismantling fortifications which took months or even years to build. The U.S. Eighth Army had warned allied troops not to fraternize with the Communist soldiers, but there were reports of friendly contacts all along the front. One American officer remarked that it had taken two years to build the line and now they were expected to tear it down within 72 hours, including millions of dollars worth of fortifications. The allied forces were under orders to salvage as much equipment as they could. One of the toughest tasks was the removal of 12-inch wooden beams used in the bunkers, with all efforts being expended toward salvaging the lumber, which was scarce in Korea. The Communist soldiers had a less arduous task as most of their defensive fortifications had been underground, thus only necessitating caving in the entrances to render them useless. Both sides sent out work parties to search for bodies and graves within the 2.5 mile wide zone. According to Michael Rougier, a photographer for Life, bodies of six Americans and 100 Chinese had been recovered at a western front outpost where one of the battles of the war had been fought. He said that the Communists wanted the Marines to remove the Chinese bodies from bunkers and trenches at the outpost, known as "Boulder City", but the Marines had refused and told the Chinese to retrieve them. Initially the Chinese had been reluctant to come over to the allied side, but after one had done so, the others followed when they saw the Marines pointing to the places where there were bodies. Mr. Rougier said that the Chinese had assisted the Marines in locating American bodies.
The Communists this date charged the allies with eight violations of the Armistice, violations labeled by the U.N. as minor and on which there was inadequate information. The Communists made the charges at the second meeting of the joint Korean Armistice Commission, asserting that three aircraft had flown over the demilitarized zone and that four artillery rounds and a single burst of three machine-gun bullets had been fired following the cease-fire becoming effective. The four-nation neutral inspection team, from Poland, Czechoslovakia, Switzerland and Sweden, assigned the task of policing the armistice, was expected to begin its work soon, once all the teams arrived in Panmunjom. (India had originally been designated by the U.N. Command and Communists as a fifth member of the neutral nations commission, but because of objections by South Korea to India's participation, indicating it would not allow Indian representatives to enter South Korea, on the notion that it was too sympathetic to Communist China, India had been dropped in the final negotiations.)
In East Germany, Communist police arrested scores of East Germans who had accepted gifts of Western food this date, but did not stop the throngs of East Germans passing into West Berlin to receive the food. Those who had been arrested had been released a short time later. Their food was not confiscated but in many cases, their vital identity cards had been. The largest crowds yet jammed West Berlin's food relief centers during this, the third day of the American-financed relief program. The Communists harassed but did not prevent the movement of food to West Berlin via truck. Other food had arrived by plane. Officials estimated that 150,000 food packages had been given away this date, in addition to the 250,000 already handed out during the first two days. The Eastern Zone radio implied this date that East Germans obtaining the food would face arrest as spies, and it broadcast hourly the names and addresses of the food recipients, charging that they had been recruited as future agents by Western espionage experts. Nevertheless, the hungry East Germans continued to flow into West Berlin on a massive scale.
In Rome, Italian President Luigi Einaudi began anew a search for a man who could form a new government, following a vote of no-confidence in the Chamber of Deputies, forcing the Government of Premier Alcide de Gasperi to resign, just 50 days after elections which had put it in office narrowly, the eighth Government formed by Premier De Gasperi since the war.
In Indo-China, French forces battled
fiercely resisting Communist-led Vietminh guerrillas along the
"street without joy" this date, as the French tightened
their armed noose around a string of rebel-held villages along the
central Indo-Chinese coast. According to a
French spokesman, the 10,000-man French force, which had
launched a surprise assault the previous day, had captured 20 of the
villages spread out side by side along the shore. The "street without joy" joined the
coastal towns "like the string of a necklace". The villages
had been used as a base by a 3,000-man Vietminh regiment harassing
for several months communications between Hue, the capital of Annam
Province, central Viet Nam, and Quan Tri, 40 miles to the north. The
French spokesman said that 70 rebel troops had been killed and 130
taken prisoner thus far in the continuing battle. French losses, he
said, had been much smaller. Some 400 villagers suspected of being
The emergency immigration bill which had been urged by the President but resisted by Republicans in Congress would approach a showdown vote in the Senate this date, with Republican leaders stating optimism regarding its passage, albeit by a close vote. The compromise measure was somewhat more restrictive than that passed by the House the previous night by a vote of 321 to 185, admitting 217,000 refugees under special quotas during the ensuing three years, about half of whom would be from behind the Iron Curtain. The Senate measure limited the number to 200,000, whereas the Administration had sought admission of 240,000 during the ensuing two years.
Congressional leaders, seeking to pass all necessary legislation prior to adjournment for the session the following weekend, were planning to obtain quick approval in the House and Senate this date for the largest money bill of the session, providing for a defense budget of 34.4 billion dollars. The figure was a compromise reached late the preceding day by a Senate-House reconciliation committee which had eliminated some 50 differences between the two versions of the bills. The agreed amount was 62.5 million dollars below that originally passed by the House and about 140 million less than that voted by the Senate, rather than the usual compromise between the two figures. The total was about 1.5 billion dollars less than the President had sought and more than six billion below the budget submitted by former President Truman before he had left office the prior January.
The President's staff had been asked to try to time some of the President's news conferences so that morning newspapers would get the first crack at publishing the news coming from them. They complained that the morning newspapers were getting "warmed over news" because of the 12 news conferences held during the morning thus far, compared to only two in the afternoon.
In New York, Senator Taft was reported "somewhat improved" this date, by staff of the New York Hospital, who said that he had spent a restful night and was comfortable. The previous day, the hospital had issued a report that his condition had worsened. The Senator's family was gathering following that announcement.
In Chicago, police said that a 28-year old mother had told them this date that she had tied her three-year old son to a water pipe and then beat him to death with a chair, breaking his arms, legs and nose. The child's body had been found the previous night by police in the family's South Side apartment, when police had responded to a complaint by a neighbor that the mother was trying to conceal an injured child. The mother said that she beat her son because he was disobedient. Police found a note from the mother to her husband saying that "the bum" got up in the morning doing the same thing and she had placed him in a closet, that he could feed him supper if he wanted and then tie him up again, that he could do the same to one of their other three children, a six-year old girl, without feeding her supper. She signed the note, "love. V." The young girl had been beaten and had numerous bruises, according to the police. The mother said that her husband had threatened to call the police if she continued to beat their son. She was held without charge for questioning.
In Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania State police, convinced that one person was responsible for two brutal slayings during a three-day period, along the Pennsylvania Turnpike, were hunting this date for a "maniac" armed with a .32-caliber automatic pistol. The body of a second victim, a 39-year old man from Bowling Green, Va., had been found in the latter's parked truck the previous day near Donegal, 50 miles from Pittsburgh, with a bullet in his head. A 30-year old truck driver from Harrisburg had been shot to death under similar circumstances the prior Saturday, with his truck found parked near the Irwin interchange, about 30 miles from Donegal. Both men, according to the coroner, had been shot with .32-caliber bullets, after each had pulled off to the side of the road to sleep. The first victim had been robbed of between $50 and $75, but the second man had money still in his wallet. As a result of the killings, there was a move in the State Legislature to provide increased police protection for the Turnpike.
In Elizabeth City, N.C., spokesmen for a drilling company said this date that its workmen had drilled more than 4,000 feet down in Camden County without striking oil, as drilling had been underway for the Texas firm for nearly two weeks. The drilling was taking place on a farm near the town of Belcross, northeast of Elizabeth City, on the edge of the Dismal Swamp. The person in charge of the tests for the company said that the drills probably could not go below 5,000 feet because of a hard stone layer at that point. An oil company had explored for oil in Washington and Tyrell counties two years earlier and Standard Oil had explored underwater areas of Pamlico Sound and the ocean off Cape Hatteras about seven years earlier, without success.
In Indianapolis, a private detective had been awakened by a telephone call early the previous day, had gone downstairs to answer it, and during his absence, a burglar had entered his room and stole $180, a wristwatch and his private detective's badge.
On the editorial page, "Bricker Supporters Put on the Spot, and Caught with Their Motives Showing" indicates that Senator William Knowland, acting Majority Leader, had put forward a compromise version of Senator John W. Bricker's proposed Constitutional amendment regarding the treaty-making power and its ratification. But because of their opposition to the proposed compromise, their true motives, apart from their claims that the amendment was necessary to avoid the prospect of losing sovereignty to the U.N. or other world bodies, had come to the fore. The supporters of the amendment had claimed that treaties were the supreme law of the land and that the treaty-making power therefore threatened the liberties guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, whereby treaties might be drafted which would compromise such liberties.
With the backing of the President, Senator Knowland had put forth the compromise under which any treaty or other international agreement which conflicted with the Constitution would have no force or effect. It finds that the section was not necessary because no treaty, in the first instance, could take precedence over the Constitution. But since it would do no harm and meet the expressed concerns of those wanting an amendment, it posed no objection. It also provided that the Senate could attach reservations to treaties, a power it already had and had exercised on many occasions.
Senator Bricker had refused to agree to the compromise and announced that he would fight Administration leaders on the Senate floor regarding it. The only real difference between his and the substitute compromise was that his proposal provided Congress the power to regulate executive agreements and provided for the necessity of their ratification by two-thirds of the Senate. It finds this latter provision the heart of the Bricker amendment, not the fanciful talk about treaties undermining liberties. It was designed to rob the executive branch of its treaty-making power so that the U.N. could be emasculated, along with any other organization which tried to promote world peace based on law and justice.
The President had opposed the Bricker amendment on the basis that it would restrict executive agreements. It finds that the President was correct, that the Knowland amendment answered the primary objections of Senator Bricker, without hampering or hamstringing the executive in establishing international agreements. It finds that if the Senator were genuinely concerned about preserving Constitutional liberties, he would accept the Knowland amendment, that his refusal to do so showed that he and his supporters were only interested in withdrawing from world affairs into the thoroughly discredited field of isolationism.
"Jonas and Hoey Score Perfect Record" indicates that, like his predecessor in Congress, Hamilton Jones, Representative Charles Jonas had attended Congressional sessions regularly, thus far having missed none of the 41 roll call votes taken through June 30. Senator Clyde Hoey was one of only six Senators who had voted on every one of 51 roll call votes in the Senate.
According to an analysis by the Congressional Quarterly, voting participation on average in Congress was 86.46 percent during the first half of the year, about five percent better than the record of the previous 82nd Congress. Republicans had voted more often than Democrats and Southerners scored higher than legislators from other regions of the country. Senator Hoey was the only Southerner who had a perfect record of voting. Sixty-one members of the House had a perfect record, including L. H. Fountain and Hugh Alexander from North Carolina, in addition to Mr. Jonas.
It indicates pride in Mr. Jonas and in Senator Hoey for the examples they had set.
"The Likes of Ol' Diz Dean" indicates that recently in Cooperstown, N.Y., the baseball Hall of Fame had inducted Dizzy Dean. It suggests that the plaque presented to him should have had big splashes of red paint with a background of asbestos, properly to represent the six "noisy, electric years that Dizzy spent in the nation's headlines." He had lit up the depression years "like a firecracker thrown in a mausoleum".
He had invented the mid-season hold-out and the one-man strike, driving St. Louis Cardinal owners to the fringes of insanity. One evening in Cincinnati, he had heaved a chunk of ice onto home plate to save it from his smoking fastball. On another occasion in Pittsburgh, he entered the ballpark in a top hat, leading a jazz band. He had been the leader of the St. Louis Gashouse Gang, whose members regularly wrecked hotel rooms from Chicago to New York.
He had won 30 games in 1934, giving the Cardinals a pennant over the New York Giants on the last day of the season. In 1937, during the All-Star game, he had been hit on the foot by a line drive, ending his career in baseball, and starting his career as a radio announcer.
In that latter incarnation, he had enraged schoolteachers with his twang and incorrect English, such as the use of "slud", "respectable" for "respective" and "confidential" for "confident". He eventually had said, "It was agreed that them teachers would learn the kids English and I would learn them baseball."
It concludes: "The formal, sedate confines of a Hall of Fame will never hold His Dizziness."
Drew Pearson tells of Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson having abruptly and unexpectedly promised to cut the monthly draft call from 23,000 to 15,000, after the truce had left his manpower experts in desperation. It had forced House Armed Services Committee chairman Dewey Short of Missouri to announce a few days afterward a denial of Secretary Wilson's statement. Mr. Pearson indicates that Mr. Wilson had not consulted with his manpower experts before he held out the false hope of a significant reduction in the draft call-up. The experts were saying that there was not going to be any significant draft reduction. Such a reduction would leave the armed services under strength and slow down voluntary enlistments, as many young men had been volunteering to avoid the draft. The experts hoped to reduce the draft somewhat by cutting out rotation, but so many men would be leaving the service following 1953 that there would be no prospect of easing the draft for another 10 to 12 months. Meanwhile, the Air Force was so short of money that it could not afford to take in the 9,600 ROTC graduates who were supposed to start active duty during the year. Under an agreement with Selective Service, those men were exempt from the draft on the condition that they would serve two years active duty after graduation. But the Air Force budget was so tight that it could not afford 9,600 new second lieutenants without releasing 8,000 highly specialized reserve officers, whose skills the ROTC graduates could not match. The Air Force had thus warned Secretary Wilson privately that the move would seriously cripple Air Force combat capabilities.
Senators were wise-cracking in Capitol cloakrooms that Senator McCarthy's staff would be a good place for a budding young psychiatrist. It had now developed that the Senator had two staff members who had officially diagnosed neuroses. Roy Cohn and David Schine, "the famed 'Keystone cops'", had galloped through Europe the previous winter capturing headlines and bringing unfavorable criticism at every stop. Mr. Schine, it turned out, had been deferred from the draft partly because he had a "schizoid personality". And Daniel Gerard Buckley, another staff member, had similar troubles, according to a report prepared by Senator Guy Gillette of Iowa, having obtained a certificate of his disability from the Air Force for psychoneurosis. He had reported sick 100 to 120 times during a period of 22 months in the Air Force and was presently drawing disability pay because of his condition. The report had been prepared by the chief counsel of the Senate Elections subcommittee chaired by Senator Gillette. Mr. Pearson quotes from that report. Mr. Buckley had been dropped from the Gillette committee on December 8, 1951, and a few days later he had called radio commentator Fulton Lewis, following which he made four calls to the secretary of Senator McCarthy, then issued a press release on December 27 blasting the manner in which the Gillette committee had handled its probe. Subsequently, Senator McCarthy had hired him.
Stewart Alsop, in Vienna, tells of the chief political characteristic of all of the satellite states at present being hatred for the Soviet puppet regimes. There could be no effective, organized, centrally directed resistance movement in the satellites, however, as long as the Red Army supplied the Soviet and satellite police apparatus with the ability to use force. In Czechoslovakia, there had been some 48 attempts to organize a national resistance movement, but all had been exposed and crushed. More than ten similar attempts had occurred in Hungary, meeting the same fate. There was currently no organized resistance movement anywhere within the Soviet empire, with the exception possibly of Poland. The revolts in East Germany, the riots in Pilsen and eastern Slovakia, and the peasant resistance in Hungary, had all been spontaneous responses to specific internal events, the increased work regimen in Germany, currency "reform" in Czechoslovakia, and "reform" of the agricultural collectives in Hungary.
In the German factories, secret cells existed, patterned after the Communist secret cell system, providing the leadership for the revolts in the Soviet zone. But they lacked any concerted plan, arms or central direction other than that provided by the American radio station in Berlin, RIAS. Secret cells also existed in other satellite factories, but they could easily be crushed by the Red Army. As long as the latter held Eastern Europe, the satellite states would continue to contribute to the Soviet war potential, as the Soviets had undertaken a program of exploitative industrialization in those states after the war. By 1952, the Soviets had nearly doubled steel production in the satellites over that of the prewar years. By 1955, the plans called for tripling satellite steel output. West Germany, by comparison, where there had been good economic recovery, had just succeeded in 1953 to equal the steel production of the same area in 1936.
The end product of that extraordinary expansion went to the Soviet Union, especially with regard to armaments. To meet the demands of the Kremlin, the satellite leaders had been forced to exploit the labor force, who, as a result, hated their Communist masters.
In the event of war, or the unlikely event that the U.S. decided on a preventative showdown with the Soviets, the workers would likely revolt, a fact of which the Soviets were aware, thus continually spewing the propaganda about "imperialist provocateurs". The Soviets also had to be aware that the satellite peoples' armies were of doubtful loyalty, as whole battalions of the German satellite army had refused to leave their barracks during the June uprisings in East Germany. There were indications that the Kremlin had abandoned its plans for building an East German army on any serious scale.
Some experts believed that the satellites, especially East Germany, Czechoslovakia and Poland, no longer provided a secure base for a Soviet attack on the West. That might be overly optimistic, suggests Mr. Alsop, but it was sensible to suppose that the hatred within the satellites was a potential military asset to the West. Short of war, however, the fact remained that the satellite peoples could not free themselves, allowing the Kremlin to continue exploitation of its European empire as long as the Red Army was able to hold Eastern Europe. He concludes that it was important to realize that the Red Army provided the base on which the whole artificial Soviet satellite structure rested.
Marquis Childs indicates that with the fighting finally over in Korea, the real test would now begin to bring about a stable peace. Both in Seoul and in Washington, those who opposed the armistice had not changed their views, anticipating a breakdown of the truce, at which point they would, undoubtedly, offer recriminations for not listening. It was important, therefore, to understand the President's motives in going ahead with a cease-fire. There were no illusions either at the White House or in the State Department that a truce necessarily implied an Asian peace. But ending the fighting offered hope that a larger conflict could be avoided and that eventually a settlement in Asia could be achieved. It had been decided that it was too costly in lives and dollars to permit the war to go into a fourth year of stalemate.
It had also been decided, therefore, that if the truce had failed, the war would have been expanded, meaning increased appropriations by Congress and an increase in the size of the draft call-up. It had been determined by a knowledgeable source during the spring that the Communists were so deeply entrenched along the front that it would take no less than 400 atomic bombs to dislodge them. It was questionable whether the U.S. atomic arsenal could afford such a drain for a war on a distant peninsula, the strategic value of which had been debated by military authorities. Such use of atomic weaponry would have also made the task of rehabilitation greater than it presently was. Thus, the decision was to try to establish a peace.
If the armistice failed to bring about a peace, there would be those who would be ready to turn on the President with the charge of appeasement, saying that a larger war was inevitable all along.
The President, however, deserved credit, no matter what would happen in the future, for a courageous decision, and, finds Mr. Childs, his brief message on Sunday night to the American people had conveyed his sincerity and honesty of purpose. The test of peace would fall heavily on South Korean President Syngman Rhee, who was passionately determined to fight on to achieve unification of the country. He faced a difficult problem in trying to lead a bitterly disillusioned people unaccepting of the peace. He had received quite good press coverage in the U.S. until his resistance had nearly wrecked the truce effort beginning in mid-June, after all of the essential agreements had been effected. That positive treatment had stemmed from a genuine admiration for a fighting patriot who had stood up to Communist aggression.
A letter from the organizer of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Zoological Society, Inc., thanks the newspaper for its publicity regarding the Society and expresses the hope that it would be able to accomplish its goal of establishing a zoological park and botanical garden within the community.
A letter writer indicates, in response to an article in the July 16 edition and an editorial of July 8, that the members of Congress should not be allowed to sneak into another measure a salary increase, and furthermore that they were paid enough.
A letter writer from Raleigh, editor of the Inner World, the only prisoner-written, edited and printed prison newspaper which was absolutely uncensored and unsupervised by prison officials or State authorities, indicates the need for a publicity boost from the regular press. He says that the publication was currently conducting a campaign toward elevating its subscription lists because of a shortfall in its budget. Its circulation presently was 3,000 per month and it had a goal of 5,000 to bring the journal back into the black. He indicates that the newspaper was mailed anywhere in the world for a $1.20 per year for the 12 monthly issues, and that single copies were a dime.
If your campaign fails, you can always tell some of the more recidivistic thieves among the writers to go out and undertake direct solicitations, send in the collected fees and then return to the fold for continued reportage.
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