The Charlotte News
Friday, May 29, 1953
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Communists had rejected at least one major reported concession of a new allied truce plan submitted in secret sessions the prior Monday at Panmunjom in Korea, the truce talks currently being in recess for a week until the following Monday. The allied proposal rejected by the Communists was that the ultimate disposition of any prisoners who refused repatriation be determined by the U.N., whereas the Communists had insisted on a post-armistice political conference as the ultimate arbiter of that issue. The original proposal by the U.N. had indicated that after a period of time during which the Communists would be entitled to speak with the prisoners refusing repatriation to try to convince them that it was safe to return to their homelands, they would be freed if they continued to resist repatriation. Chief Communist negotiator General Nam Il of North Korea indicated that it would be "inconceivable" to have the Communist prisoners held by the allies turned over to the U.N. for final disposition, when they regarded the U.N. as "a belligerent". In December, 1952, the U.N. had approved a plan proposed by India that the prisoners refusing repatriation have their fates finally determined by the U.N. The proposed allied plan, countering the Communists' proposal, remained officially secret, and this rejected proposal had been obtained from an anonymous, reliable source.
The South Korean Government wanted the allied plan revised or had threatened to fight on alone and boycott henceforth the truce talks. The lead South Korean negotiator, Maj. General Choi Duk Shin, wanted the proposal prepared anew, starting with the resumption of the talks the following Monday and to grant "full consultation" in advance to the South Korean Government in preparation of that proposal. Choi indicated that his statements, however, as contained in a letter to lead U.N. delegate, Lt. General William Harrison, represented only his own personal point of view.
In ground fighting in Korea, U.S. and Turkish troops withdrew from two outposts the previous night, as a large Communist Chinese drive increased along the ancient invasion route to Seoul, 30 miles to the south, with battling artillery engaged in duel beneath a full moon. Waves of fighter-bombers dropped bombs and napalm on the attackers along the five-mile front in a row of hills guarding the road to Seoul. On the western front, the Chinese struck with 8,500 men and on the central front area, with 6,500 men, seizing three outpost hills east of Panmunjom by Thursday night. British Commonwealth troops were last reported holding firm on "The Hook", ten miles northeast of Panmunjom, where two Chinese battalions, comprised of about 1,500 men, had been repulsed. The British War Office said in a communiqué that the British at that location had inflicted a "crushing defeat" against the Chinese.
In the air war, U.S. Sabre jets shot down two enemy MIG-15s, probably destroyed another and damaged three others, putting Sabre jet pilots within 11 kills of the single-month record for the Korean War, established in September, 1951.
A firsthand account of the battle for the Vegas outpost on the Western front is provided from a Marine sergeant and a corporal, the latter from Concord, N.C., who operated a tank, hit twice by mortar shells. He said that the strikes had thrown a lot of hot shrapnel down his back and inside his flak jacket after one of the shells had blown open the tank hatch, burning a few blisters on his back but otherwise not causing injury. At that point, he had said, "Let's get the hell out of here."
Despite their differences regarding U.S. policies in Korea and the Far East, the President and Senator Taft avoided a party rift in their relations, with the White House taking the initiative hours after the President had said at a news conference the previous day that he did not agree with the Senator's assertion that the U.S. might as well forget the U.N. as far as the Korean War was concerned, calling the Senator's office to inquire about his health status, after he had been hospitalized in Cincinnati with an undiagnosed hip pain—shortly to be diagnosed with cancer, from which he would die at the end of July. Aides of the Senator said that he would not comment for several days, if at all, in response to the President's statements. The Senator's son said by telephone from Cincinnati that the statement of the Senator, which his son had read on Tuesday night in the absence of the Senator, had stated that he was giving only his personal views on the Far East and that they were not intended as criticism of what was being done. He said that the opinions expressed by his father could not be construed as a break with the President and would not be reflected in the Senator's opposition to Administration policies. But the two statements did leave the two most powerful men in the Republican Party at odds regarding the U.N.'s future role in the Far East should the Korean truce talks fail. The Senator wanted all of the issues in the Far East, including Formosa and Indo-China, included in a single agreement. But the President had said the previous day at the press conference that objectives were not attained in one great sudden agreement where all sides could sit down and then sign. He said that if the Korean truce were accepted, the allies would then be in a better position to go ahead with a just program in Korea than was currently possible. The Senator had said in his statement that the present truce would be "extremely unsatisfactory" since it would divide Korea unnaturally and could wind up releasing a million Communist Chinese soldiers from their current combat duties to be used against Nationalist Formosa and French Indo-China.
The new Health, Education and Welfare Department had provided dismissal notices to about 1,200 employees of its former constituent agencies, based on budget cuts. Some of the notices might be rescinded were the Senate to approve more money in appropriations than had been voted by the House for the coming fiscal year.
The National Association of Attorneys General formulated a plan the previous day to be presented to Congress regarding compulsory treatment of narcotics addicts, based on the rising rate of drug addiction. The plan would utilize narcotics hospitals under Federal control in Lexington, Ky., and Fort Worth, Tex., for initial hospitalization, after which the states would assume care and treatment of the patients.
Former Governor of Illinois and 1952 Democratic nominee for the presidency, Adlai Stevenson, flew this date to the upper Nile River city of Luxor in Egypt, 450 miles south of Cairo, for a day of sightseeing among the temple ruins of the ancient Egyptian city of Thebes. Mr. Stevenson was due back in Cairo the following day, continuing with his world tour.
In London, a Comet jetliner sped across the Atlantic for the first time with 27 men aboard, en route to Ottawa, Canada, via Iceland and Goose Bay, Labrador, the first of two 500 mile-per-hour British planes built for the Royal Canadian Air Force, the second to follow the following month. The plane was set to cruise at 445 mph at an altitude of 36,000 feet, across the distance of 3,545 miles.
In Paris, a four-engine Douglas DC-6B transport plane completed this date the first nonstop commercial airline flight from Los Angeles to Paris, covering the 5,700 miles in 20 hours and 28 minutes, averaging 278 mph, breaking the previous nonstop distance record for commercial planes of 3,900 miles. The plane carried no passengers. The crew had run into heavy weather over Hudson Bay and Greenland, but otherwise "everything worked like a charm."
Condemned atomic spies Julius and Ethel Rosenberg had their execution date at Sing Sing Prison in New York rescheduled for June 15, following the latest refusal by the Supreme Court to grant them review—though the high Court would again revisit the matter one more time before the execution date. Their defense counsel had sought delay of resetting the execution date until the following Monday, a move vigorously opposed by the U.S. Attorney.
In Birmingham, Alabama, a young girl who
had been married at 14 years of age and become a widow at 16, had
been cleared of murder charges in Juvenile Court, following a
two-hour hearing, related to her husband's death, and intended to
return home to West Virginia. The fatal shooting had occurred at the
couple's home three weeks earlier. The husband, 21, had been
stationed at the Birmingham air base. The couple had a five-month old
daughter and the wife was expecting another child. The shooting
occurred during a scuffle after milk had been spilled on the baby's
face, causing the mother to become hysterical, prompting her husband
to attempt to restrain her, after which they struggled over a pistol
which he maintained in their bedroom. A pastor of a church in the
woman's hometown in West Virginia had testified that the couple, who
had met in his church, had financial difficulties most of their
married life after running away together from home. He said that when
he had urged the young girl to return home, she replied that she had
rather live with her husband under a rock and have nothing than to
live in a palace without him and have everything
In Charlotte, a 17-day search for a convicted murderer had ended the previous night when the escaped convict walked into the County Police station and surrendered. He had been sentenced to 15 to 20 years for second-degree murder in Mecklenburg County Superior Court in 1946, after being arrested in January of that year. No details were provided of the escape. He did not say where he had been during the interim 17 days.
In Raleigh, two black men who had been convicted of rape were executed in the gas chamber at Central Prison this date. One of the men insisted to the end that he was innocent of the charge on which he was convicted, that of having raped a white woman of Windsor, who was a deaf mute, on July 18, 1947. The other executed inmate had confessed his guilt when interviewed shortly after arrival in prison, convicted of raping and brutally beating a 15-year old Winston-Salem school girl on June 15, 1950, with the girl having hovered near death for several days afterward. Both men told the five condemned men they left behind on death row to "do right and be good". About 27 persons, including reporters and other witnesses, crowded into the small observation room to observe the two executions. One of the reporters fainted shortly before the executions ended, from the intense heat in the room. The inmate who contended that he was innocent had been granted new trials twice by the State Supreme Court, and had been re-convicted each time. (In the reversal of the second conviction, delivered in 1949 by Justice Sam J. Ervin, the Court had stated: "No good object will be served by recounting the facts in detail. It will suffice for present purposes to note that the State's evidence tended to show that shortly after 10:30 p.m. on 18 July, 1947, the prisoner assaulted and raped the prosecutrix with savage brutality in the yard at her home a mile and a half from Windsor, and the prisoner's testimony tended to establish an alibi." The opinion went on to state that articles of clothing of the defendant and the prosecutrix were properly admitted into evidence, showing tears and stains corroborative of the prosecution's theory of the case. The Court had also held that the trial court did not err in admitting evidence of defendant's incriminating statements to police officers soon after the crime had been committed, as the statements were voluntary in nature.) Both men had petitions for writs of habeas corpus jointly heard before the U.S. Supreme Court, petitioner Speller, the man who proclaimed his innocence, designated "No. 22" in the opinion, raising the claim of systematic exclusion of black citizens from the grand and petit juries in Bertie County, and the other petitioner, Brown, "No. 32", raising the same issues of systematic exclusion in Forsyth County, plus the issue of whether his confession was coerced, the Supreme Court having held, 6 to 3, that there were no Constitutional violations regarding those issues, with separate dissents filed by Justices Felix Frankfurter and Hugo Black, each joined by Justice William O. Douglas. The previous day, several groups of persons had called on Governor William B. Umstead to commute the death sentences to life in prison, but the Governor had refused. One of those making the plea was a young Methodist minister from the Greensboro area, who had started a fast on the south steps of the State Capitol, aimed at abolishing the death penalty, with a special plea to the Governor to commute the sentences of the two condemned men. The Governor's office indicated that he received several phone calls from persons who had read about the minister's fast and had urged the Governor to change his mind regarding the commutations.
Parenthetically, while we in no way mean at all to be mockish of the actual 1953 story of these tragic rapes and tragic executions for same, as, aside from the Eighth Amendment issues, Mr. Speller, if one accepts the reasoning of the Supreme Court dissents, never got to have a jury selected from a fairly drawn pool hear his alibi, we do have to use this story for a moment as an example of the absurdity of adopting the convention of using the capitalized "Black" and "White" to represent, respectively, African-Americans and Caucasians in print, as now being adopted in recent days in 2020 by the Associated Press and other journalistic organizations as a new style preference, actually a return to an old style preference of "Negro", just dressed up differently. Utilizing such an absurd convention, one would be entirely correct in stating this story in summary as follows: "Today, in Raleigh's Central Prison, two Black men, one of whom was Brown and the other, Speller, were executed for the rapes of two White women in separate incidents involving each defendant individually, in two different counties, despite Justice Black of the Supreme Court, and, separately, Justice Frankfurter, joined in both dissents by Justice Douglas, finding that the convictions of both Black men were had unconstitutionally by grand and petit juries drawn in a manner which systematically excluded Blacks." If you think that style improves substance and makes for a clearer story, then you go right on ahead with your acquiescence to mob rule. But we shall stick with stress of the facts and various issues in a given story, itself, rather than over-emphasis of generalized style points utilized usually by novelists and poets, amounting to subliminal editorialization in presentation of news reports which ought be as objective as possible and minimize the presence of the writer for the sake of not distracting the reader to superficial, ancillary matter, but instead wind up overly highlighting of differences in skin pigmentation, quite divisively, suggesting in the end one sort of Supremacy or Another at Work: Esse quam videri.
Also in Raleigh, the State Highway Commission voted this date to retain W. H. Rogers, Jr., as chief State highway engineer. Mr. Rogers had served as administrative assistant under former Governor Gregg Cherry, whose term had ended in 1949. He became chief engineer shortly after former Governor Kerr Scott, succeeding Governor Cherry, took office. He had directed Governor Scott's 200 million dollar secondary road-building program. Among the matters considered this date by the Commission was a progress report of Ninth Division commissioner James A. Gray, Jr., of Winston-Salem, who reported on restoration work being performed at Old Salem, saying that in the future, he might urge State assistance in helping to solve traffic problems through Old Salem. That will lead to having to move that big tin coffee pot where the Civil War soldier hid, won't it?
In New York, a one-time campus leader and 1948 honors graduate of Brown University, where he had been president of the student body, played varsity football and was a member of several campus organizations, but presently was employed as a $75 per week salesman trainee and heavily in debt, was charged with an unsuccessful hold-up attempt. In a midtown restaurant restroom, he had changed into clothing which he had in a suitcase and then walked to a nearby restaurant, gripping an office stapler in his pocket as if it were a gun, provided a note to the cashier which told her not to utter a sound, that he was desperate, whereupon the cashier screamed and the man fled to the initial restaurant and changed back into his original clothes, but then upon exiting the restaurant, was recognized and arrested. He was booked on charges of attempted robbery, assault and a weapons law violation.
In Wilmington, Calif., an 11-year old boy, four months earlier, had found a shivering stray puppy, took it home, fed it and cared for it, naming it Lightning. But the prior Wednesday, the boy's parents had told him that the dog had grown too big and would have to be given up, whereupon, a few hours later, the boy, his bicycle and the dog were found to be missing. Police searched in vain, but that night, the boy telephoned his mother saying that he could not give Lightning away and hung up. The previous day, the police had found the boy and his bike in an alley where he had spent the night, but Lightning was missing, having run away during the darkness.
Don't worry, you will next find Thunder...
On the editorial page, "A Soft Answer, but Firm" indicates that the only problem with the President's press conference statement the previous day, regarding Senator Taft's speech, in which he had said that the U.S. ought to abandon the U.N. regarding the settlement of the Korean War, was that it was not strong enough. It indicates that the President had a great ability to hold his temper in check—except when it came to golf and reporters who complained of his too frequently taking to the links, but that will only come forth later.
It indicates that the Senator deserved a rebuke, as he had spoken recklessly, through his son's reading of the speech while the Senator was in the hospital in Cincinnati. The statement had come during a crucial point in the Korean negotiations, when the Administration had made thus far unknown concessions to seek finally to obtain a truce. The Senator's eminent position in the Republican Party caused his words to have greater impact than their importance actually merited. But the President, rather than rebuking him, had instead restated certain basic facts to clarify the U.S. position, saying that no nation could go it alone in one area without being prepared to go it alone generally, a dangerous concept in modern times when the free world nations had to rely on each other for survival.
It indicates that the day was fast approaching when the President had to take back the reins of leadership on foreign policy from the Congressional Republicans who had seized them, as the country could not be guided by 531 members of Congress, pulling in various directions. It had to have a central authority in a chief executive who had sufficient popular support and powers of persuasion to maintain a Congressional majority behind him. Senator Taft could not be permitted to set foreign policy, any more than could Senator McCarthy or the Senate Appropriations Committee, which the previous day had voted to cut off U.N. appropriations if Communist China was admitted to its membership. The making of foreign policy had to be the responsibility of the President, who could neither abdicate it nor let it be taken away by default, no matter how earnestly he desired peace and harmony with Congress.
"York Shows the Way to Traffic Safety" congratulates York, S.C., for having achieved the best safety record for pedestrians among cities of less than 100,000, earning the A.A.A. award in that category, along with Charlotte, tied with Rochester, N.Y., for the best pedestrian safety record among cities above 100,000 population. York had ascribed its flawless record of pedestrian deaths since 1943 to its police chief, W. T. Ivey. He had made the whole community safety conscious and obtained in the process full cooperation from the population.
Charlotte, it indicates, had made great strides toward a better safety record, with a tough City Recorder, better traffic enforcement, the good planning by its traffic engineer, and police officer Ernest Pressley and his famous dogs, who conducted shows for the schoolchildren. The women crossing guards at the schools and the members of the children's school patrols also had important roles in the program, along with the newspapers, radio stations, Jaycees, and the automobile associations. It hopes that Charlotte would continue its progress until it could match York's commendable safety record.
Did Bull and his fire hydrant in York have any part in it? Inquiring minds want to know.
"Double Standard" indicates that in Central Park in New York, during a baseball game, a man had slashed his common-law wife, pursued her, and then stabbed her to death, at which point bystanders descended on him, clubbed him with baseball bats, struck him with their fists and clawed him with their fingernails. Two mounted policemen forced their way through the mob and found the man unconscious, and with the aid of other policemen, were able to get him away from the mob and to a hospital. The New York Times had provided the headline for the story: "Mob Bludgeons Killer of Woman at Baseball Game in Central Park."
The piece indicates that in New York, it was labeled "mob violence", whereas in the South, it would have been indicated as a "thwarted lynching".
That is quite a bit cynical, and suggests that lynchings usually involved the prevention of or punishment for murder and mayhem in the instance in which they were occurring, in flagrante delicto, rarely having ever been recorded that way.
"An Honor to a Deserving Man" indicates that in presenting Federal Judge John J. Parker, who has an abstract of a speech printed on the page, with the fifth annual Di Phi Award from the Dialectic Senate and the Philanthropic Society of UNC, it had recognized a person whose stature and influence had grown with each passing year, serving the University, the state and the nation well, that which the award historically represented. It came at a good time, as the Judge had emerged as one of the foremost spokesmen for American leadership in the present era, and an advocate against amendment to the Constitution's treaty-making power of the President and the requirements for ratification by the Senate. He was against the rising tide of isolationism and was placing in perspective the transitory postwar fears which had given rise to it.
It commends the reader's attention to the abstract of his speech before the New York City Bar, regarding that subject.
A piece from the Greensboro Daily News, titled "Congratulations, Leroy", congratulates the caddie, Leroy Nicholson, who had carried the President's bag when he had golfed at Norfolk the previous weekend, as recorded in an interview with the Norfolk Virginian-Pilot. Mr. Nicholson had said that the President had a powerful drive, hitting the ball 250 yards on the third hole, but remained mum when asked about the President's putting and approach shots, finally volunteering that the President "certainly is a cheerful man." The President had given Mr. Nicholson $3.50 for his services, including a $1.50 tip. He said he did not know what the President's score had been, but guessed it was in the 80's.
He said that he was a golfer, himself, and shot a fairly good game, usually in the mid-70's.
The piece finds that the President would find few caddies during his term who adhered so well to the high critical standards of caddying as did Mr. Nicholson, and wishes him a long and happy career in caddying, "generously sprinkled with golfers who, like himself, stay in the middle 70's."
That's when Ford would come about… Look out, neighbor…
Or, did they have in mind Dr. Cary Middlecoff?
Drew Pearson provides the inside story of how the President happened to call the Big Three Bermuda conference. If he had not done so, the French and British had been ready to conduct their own conference with the new Soviet Premier, Georgi Malenkov. He explains how the seeds for the conference had been developed in Paris at the recent NATO foreign ministers conference, and that on May 20, the President had become indignant over the trans-Atlantic furor caused by the reaction of Senator McCarthy, upset over the statements in Commons by British opposition leader, former Prime Minister Clement Attlee, who had stated that it appeared that some Americans did not genuinely desire peace in Korea or generally. The President decided something had to be done to cement Anglo-French-American friendship before it dissolved. That day, he discussed the matter with the National Security Council, then played golf, then had dinner with Robert Cutler, a Boston banker now on the President's staff, C. D. Jackson, former publisher of Fortune, heading now the White House psychological warfare division, and Undersecretary of State Walter Bedell Smith, who had served as the President's chief of staff during the war. Over that dinner, plans for the Big Three conference were discussed, as a means to prepare for or perhaps decide against a subsequent Big Four conference with Mr. Malenkov. Following dinner, the President had called Prime Minister Churchill in London, where it was about 2:00 a.m., but the President knew that the Prime Minister stayed up until the wee hours and did find him awake. Mr. Churchill provided his approval for the meeting in Bermuda. The President then communicated with French Ambassador to the U.S., Henri Bonnet, whose wife sometimes played bridge with the President. Ambassador Bonnet also gave approval for the meeting, though suggesting that it should be later than mid-June, as the French Cabinet might fall the following day, as it did.
Mr. Pearson indicates that the President was opposed to a fixed agenda at the meeting and wanted it to include the entire world situation. The French and British believed that the subjects to be discussed ought include Korea, Indo-China, Austria and Germany, and the potential for seating Communist China at the U.N.—though that latter possibility had been understood by both the French and British to have to await the outcome of the Korean War and the Communist aggression in Indo-China.
Judge John J. Parker, of Charlotte, of the U.S. Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals, as indicated in the above editorial, has an abstract printed from a speech to the New York City Bar, in honor of the late Justice Benjamin Cardozo, in which he discusses world order as a function of the United Nations and the treaty-making power of the President, requiring two-thirds approval of the Senate for ratification, and the attempt led by Senator John W. Bricker of Ohio to amend the Constitution in that respect, requiring majority approval by both houses for implementation, following regular Senate ratification, and extending the ratification requirement to executive agreements, normally not requiring ratification under existing law.
Judge Parker indicates that most Americans had applauded the statement by the President on April 16 to the American Society of Newspaper Editors in Washington, in which he had continued the commitment of the nation to leadership of the world community and the establishment of world order based on law and within the community of nations established at the U.N. He ventures that the American people appeared genuinely devoted to the principles of the Constitution, but lacked faith in the country's capacity to govern itself wisely through exercise of the treaty-making power, to the extent that those principles might be subverted and the rights and liberties of the people surrendered to foreign powers and foreign ideas. Thus, derived the movement to amend the Constitution.
He goes on, restating his defense of the Constitution's existing ratification requirements, and indicates that at the conclusion of the Revolution, there had been those who took the provincial view, opposing ratification of the Constitution, while later, in the South, there had been those who believed they could secede from the Union and "thus escape the influence of world forces", causing the payment of a dear price for that error, concluding: "This nation, under the providence of God, is offered the leadership of the world. If through selfishness or cowardice or lack of vision, we decline the leadership, it will pass to Russia and we shall awaken too late to discover that, in our unwillingness to hold the door of freedom open for others, we have closed it upon ourselves."
Marquis Childs tells of Budget Bureau director Joseph Dodge having knocked out plans for the Oahe Dam in South Dakota as an economizing measure, at which point the Republican Governor, Sigurd Andersen, called a protest meeting at which the conservative Farm Bureau Federation, the Grange and the Farmers Union joined with representatives of the Rural Electrification Districts of the state, with the end result that Senator Karl Mundt, up for re-election in 1954, was besieged by letters protesting the elimination of the project. In the end, the Budget Bureau restored an appropriation of 8.25 million dollars for the dam, about half of the original 16.3 million, out of a total estimated cost of 327 million.
The Governor then went to Washington to impress on the House Appropriations Committee how vital the dam was, not only to South Dakota, but to the entire Missouri Valley, saying that he had the backing of the governors of ten states in that region.
It was an example of the undercurrent of revolt as economy measures threatened long-cherished projects, especially impacting the farm vote, which would be crucial in the midterm elections the following year. The Republicans had a narrow majority in the House of 11 Representatives, four of whom were from Virginia and one from North Carolina, both traditionally all-Democratic states, who had been swept in on the Eisenhower victory tide. Cards pledging membership in the "never again club" were said to be circulating in the farm belt, listing what farmers had obtained in the first 90 days of the new Administration: "Lower farm prices, higher interest rates, difficult home financing, less rural electrification, difficult farm financing, an end to rural phones, an end to cheap power, an end to irrigation, hourly golf news, broken campaign promises."
Missouri rural electric co-ops were indignant over cuts eliminating power lines tying them in with dams of the Southwest Power Administration, accusing Representative William Cole, a Republican from Missouri, of being the mouthpiece of the private utilities. Mr. Cole had been defeated for re-election to the House four years earlier after he had voted against a Rural Electrification Administration appropriation, but had been elected again the previous November.
The most important issue to the farmers, however, was the drop in farm prices, with farm income estimated to be reduced from 14 billion dollars to 13 billion, and the value of farm real estate having fallen during the first third of 1953, with its sharpest decline in the Western states because of the drop in beef cattle prices.
Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson was very sensitive regarding the price issue, having backed a bill introduced by a Maryland Congressman which would provide price support payments for tobacco growers even though they had voted against quotas, contrary to the provision in the support system; but the Secretary had added in a letter of support of the bill that it should not become a precedent. When that bill reached the floor of the House, Democrats wondered aloud how it was that an Administration opposed to regimentation and subsidies could support a measure inviting an open-end subsidy for unlimited production of a crop. The measure was eventually defeated but was a sign of the Republican concern regarding the politics of farm prosperity.
Mr. Childs suggest that it might be one reason why the President was planning a trip into the heart of the farm belt during June, with speeches scheduled in Minneapolis, North Dakota and South Dakota, at which time he would have a chance to define his farm policy.
Robert C. Ruark indicates that he could not understand all the criticism of the President for relaxing on the golf course, with the CIO Political Action Committee having begun tabulation of his hours of relaxation. He indicates that no one in the world worked as hard at a dull job as the President or met as many decisions or was the target of as much dirty sniping. He would like to see the President playing golf every afternoon if it kept him happy. He also likes the fact that President Eisenhower was a fisherman and a painter, giving him plenty of time to think.
He indicates that it was a mistaken idea in the nation that a man had to kill himself with toil to do a good job, as there was only so much work which could be done before staleness set in, requiring replenishment.
He finds that past Presidents had not been criticized for their relaxation time, but all had participated in some form of it. President Harding had played a lot of poker. President Hoover was a passionate fisherman. President Wilson played golf at least three times per week. FDR was often on a yacht or a junket or taking time off to visit Hyde Park in New York or Campobello or Warm Springs, Ga. President Truman commuted back and forth to Key West. So he finds that there was no obligation for President Eisenhower to kill himself just because he was President. Mr. Ruark always had believed that it would be better for a President to cut some of his appointments and occasionally sneak off to get drunk with his cronies a little more often.
That would be all we need, in a nuclear age, for that dreaded call to come on the bright red phone and someone at the end of the line in the Oval Office pick up the receiver and say that the President was in dispose, veritably drunk on his ass, along with the Vice-President, and so cannot come to the phone right now, call back in about … eight hours. Glad that the Presidents, most of them anyway, did not follow your advice or your example. There was, however, One who came close, at least during the Watergate investigation.
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