The Charlotte News

Monday, September 8, 1952

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Milo Farneti, that Chinese and South Korean infantrymen had battled fiercely this night for control of "Capital Hill", amid mutual artillery barrages. The fighting had been largely hand-to-hand, including bayonets, fists, grenades, satchel-charges, daggers and clubs. An American combat officer said that the hand-to-hand fighting was necessitated by the fact that in darkness, there was nothing at which to shoot. He said that because of the heavy artillery barrages from both sides, no one controlled the crest of the hill. The South Koreans had attacked five times in three days, in the face of 48,000 rounds of artillery fire, reaching the top only to be driven back an hour later. U.S. fighter-bombers had been giving support to the South Koreans in the sector.

The U.S. Fifth Air Force said that Sabre jets had shot down five enemy MIG-15s and damaged five others in battles near the Manchurian border. Thus far in September, 22 MIGs had been destroyed, one additional probably destroyed, and 15 damaged, placing the rate of destruction thus far ahead of the record 44 destroyed enemy jets during the previous April. Two of the destroyed MIGs were credited to Maj. Frederick Blease, who had just become a credited ace pilot with five kills, raising his score to seven shot down and three damaged, making him second among ace airmen during the war to Maj. George Davis, missing, who had destroyed 14 enemy planes.

Torrential rains in Korea the previous week had left 5,000 persons in the southwest corner of the country homeless and had flooded thousands of acres of rice fields. Reports of the damage had been delayed by poor communications. No casualties were reported.

General Eisenhower, addressing a crowd in Cleveland, encouraged each of his supporters to work in his campaign and to get ten other people to do the same, again urging them to help him clean up the "mess" in Washington. The General was greeted by Senator Taft's brother, Charles, who was running as the Republican nominee in the gubernatorial race. Mr. Taft said that he liked Ike.

But can he stomach Dick? Time will tell.

Republican Congressman of Ohio, George Bender, estimated that about 1,500 persons had shown up at the airport to greet the General.

Meanwhile, in Washington, Senator Taft met with RNC chairman Arthur Summerfield, after which the latter told reporters that the Senator would get together with the General in the immediate future, and that he expected the Senator to take a major part in the campaign. The Senator issued a statement saying that he would await the conference with the General, to take place shortly, before making any definite plans.

In Portland, Ore., Governor Stevenson, speaking before a luncheon for a group of Oregon newspaper editors, publishers and radio broadcasters, said this date that American editors should "contemplate the very real dangers of the one-party system in the press", indicating that the "overwhelming majority of the press" was opposed to the Democratic Party. He also stated that he was impressed by the fair treatment accorded him by most newspapers, including most of the papers editorially aligned with the opposition. He said that he believed that nearly all publishers were doing their best, "according to their lights", even if their lights, he continued, seemed to him "a little dim". He said that he was touched to read of those newspapers' desire to preserve the two-party system in politics, a desire which he shared, but was concerned, as a former newspaperman, about developing "a one-party press in a two-party country" and its implications for the press and a free society. He forecast a hard campaign ahead and said that he had a lot of ground to make up, but believed his campaign was gaining steadily. He said that his opponent was a great General who had served the Army and the nation well. He stated, however, that the Republicans were split into two parties, sharply divided on policy, with no policies of their own.

Another Gallup poll appears, indicating the impact of the Korean War on the presidential campaign, suggesting that General Eisenhower would benefit more than Governor Stevenson, with 67 percent of respondents stating that they believed the General could handle the Korean War better than his opponent, who received only nine percent support on the question. Even among Democrats, the majority still favored the General on this issue by a 3 to 1 ratio. The majority also favored the General's suggestion that more South Koreans, among the approximately two million men available, be trained and equipped to fight the war, to reduce the burden on U.N. manpower otherwise, with 60 percent favoring the proposal and 26 percent opposing. The greatest support for the proposal came from those with a college education and the least from those who had only a grade school education, the latter group still favoring the proposal by a two to one ratio. Veterans of the two world wars favored the proposal by 67 percent to 25 percent. All sections of the country equally favored the proposal.

To those with a grade school education, what is the ratio represented by 67 percent to 25 percent?

In Washington, former Assistant Attorney General in charge of the tax division of the Justice Department, Lamar Caudle, told House investigators this date that Government officials, including some members of Congress, had placed more than normal pressure on him regarding prosecution of tax fraud cases. Mr. Caudle, who had been fired by the President the previous March for "outside activities" incompatible with his job, concluded his executive session testimony before the Judiciary Committee with a statement that such pressure had been contrary to the action he had taken. The chairman of the subcommittee related the substance of his testimony.

The Agriculture Department's estimate this date that a reduction in the South's cotton crop to 13,889,000 bales had caused prices in the commodity markets to advance quickly. The cotton market had been trending upward irregularly of late. The Government had set a goal of 16 million bales for the year to meet domestic needs and export prospects, and to provide a comfortable stockpile the following summer. The latest monthly forecast represented a reduction of 846,000 bales from that of the prior month, caused by dry weather during July and early August, damaging the crop in some Southeastern states. Only 1.4 million running bales from the crop had been ginned prior to September 1, compared to a little over two million by the same point the previous year and 859,401 bales in 1950. Cotton production had been 15.1 million bales the previous year and averaged 11.8 million during the previous decade. The Department estimated that the condition of the crop was 69 percent of normal, compared with 75 percent the prior month and 74 percent a year earlier.

Two more survivors had been rescued from the Atlantic, 40 miles south of Cape Hatteras, crewmen of a tanker torn asunder by Hurricane "Baker" on Saturday, joining 19 other survivors. The tanker had been carrying a load of molasses to New Jersey when it foundered. The Coast Guard reported that 30 men had been aboard. A raft with 11 men aboard, including the captain, had still not been located. The cook, who had chosen to remain with the wreckage rather than be rescued, had died a few hours after jumping into the sea and then being rescued.

In Atlantic City, 19-year old Neva Jane Langley of Georgia, pictured, who had been named Miss America for 1953 on Saturday night, began her busy schedule of touring, set to make her first appearance at Reading, Pa., at the State Fair this date.

Mrs. Evelyn Joyce Schenk, wife of a Newark tire salesman, had been named Mrs. America, promptly fainting after her selection the previous night at Asbury Park, N.J.

In Asheville, a 73-year old route carrier for the Asheville Citizen had been shot to death in the early morning hours this date while delivering his papers near the city's business district. He had been an employee of the newspaper for more than 20 years. The shooting took place near the scene of several recent early-morning sluggings and robberies, which remained unsolved. The man was hit four times with bullets from a 7.65-mm. automatic pistol. The assailant was observed running from the scene. Fifteen minutes passed before anyone noticed the body of the victim lying in the gutter, and it took another ten minutes before a police car showed up at the scene. It appeared that the victim had grappled with the assailant in the center of the darkened street. Death had resulted from internal hemorrhage, according to the coroner.

Near Dallas, Tex., a 27-year old driver, who was slightly unsteady on his feet nevertheless protested to police that he was sober, at last indicating that as long as he had to go to jail, he was glad that it was in Waxahachie, as the Dallas jail was no good, the Dallas police not being as nice as those locally in the town, 30 miles south of the city.

The 1952 World Series was scheduled to start October 1, in the home park of the National League champion, unless a playoff was needed to determine the pennant winner, in which case the start would be delayed until October 2. If the American League champion had to be determined by a playoff, it would not affect the Series start date. Set your tv's and radios accordingly, and warm up those couch-potato pitching and throw-out arms. Batter up—those fried chicken legs.

On the editorial page, "They Both Like the Farmer" tells of Martin Cummins having won the National Plowing Contest in Kasson, Minn., the prior Saturday, saying that he reckoned it was a good day for plowing. The two presidential candidates had both made speeches to the estimated 100,000 spectators of the Contest, both discussing their proposed farm policies. Both expressed support of the farmer, farm cooperatives, rural roads, electrification, rural telephone service, family-sized farms and expanded research. Both favored continued Government supports and said that they would do what they could about perishable commodities.

General Eisenhower, as covered on Saturday's front page, had appeared to the left of Governor Stevenson in some respects, favoring full Government supports instead of 90 percent parity, and expansion of supports to other than the basic commodities which presently were supported. Governor Stevenson could concentrate on the good things which the New Deal and the Fair Deal had done for the farmer since 1932. If the Governor appeared at times to be running against former President Hoover, General Eisenhower appeared to be running against the Republican Party.

It finds that the Democrats were not very vulnerable on the issue of farmer participation in the agricultural programs, which the General had attacked for not including enough farmer participation. It also believes that the Democrats were not vulnerable on their basic approach to farm problems. The basic issue on which they were vulnerable was "the mess in Washington". It thus posits that if the Republicans continued to hammer away at that issue and apply it to agriculture, the commodity speculation, storage thefts, Government-purchased potato surplussage, potato famines and such similar debacles, they would be on more solid ground and would yield more votes per precinct in the November election.

"In the Swim" tells of Ambassador George McGhee having swum the Bosporus Strait, separating Europe from Asia at the entrance to the Black Sea. Senator Russell Long of Louisiana had also made the swim, but Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon had not, awaiting his friends on the Asian shore. It indicates that it did not know what had motivated the crossing, but it favored that sort of in-the-trunks diplomacy, swimmingly.

"Sound Advice from the TUC" tells of the Trades Union Congress in Britain being one large labor organization, representing eight million workers, and a bulwark of the Labor Party, its membership and leadership including some of Britain's outstanding socialists. Its General Council's annual report, approved by the membership and conference the previous week, discussed Britain's economic life by indicating that substantial wage increases were bound to raise costs and that any appreciable increase in the cost of exports might have the most serious consequences for the British standard of living, potentially pricing Britain out of world markets, a factor which was largely within Britain's control, and to some extent within the control of the trade union movement. The Council turned down suggestions that its political opposition to the Conservative Government and its policy should be reinforced by industrial action.

The piece thinks that the TUC had demonstrated a maturity of economic thought found wanting in its counterparts in the U.S. It represented a refreshing change of attitude from that of U.S. labor and management, which held that their disputes were private affairs. It recommends the TUC report, therefore, for thoughtful attention in the U.S., especially as it expressed hope for more U.S. foreign investment and a more liberal U.S. tariff policy.

A piece from "Worth Repeating", titled "Who Gives a Hoot about the Debt?" suggests that no one appeared to care anymore about the Federal debt, as it was owed to the taxpayers and as long as no one asked for it to be paid back, there was no worry. But, it cautions, the taxpayers did pay for the 260 billion dollars in Federal debt, as, according to the President, the annual interest bill would reach 6.3 billion dollars by 1953. The average person earning $3,600 per year, or $69 per week, paid $968 in all Federal taxes, and of that, $87.75 went to pay the interest on the Federal debt, equivalent to 6.3 days of work. It reminds that the larger the debt became, the more the taxpayer would pay, and the larger amount of days he would work just to pay off the interest on the Federal debt.

Drew Pearson tells of a rift in the RNC and the political guard around General Eisenhower. From the start, RNC chairman Arthur Summerfield had sought to gain a larger voice in the campaign, but had been repeatedly rebuffed by the General's inner circle, including Governor Sherman Adams of New Hampshire, Senator Frank Carlson of Kansas, Senator Fred Seaton of Nebraska, Arthur Vandenberg, Jr., son of the deceased Michigan Senator, and Herbert Brownell, Governor Dewey's former campaign manager and representative on the strategy board, who had largely engineered the General's nomination in Chicago. Governor Adams had been the most outspoken critic among them, declaring bluntly that he would not abdicate responsibility to Mr. Summerfield and the RNC.

Mr. Summerfield favored starting the campaign early, in August, but Governor Adams and Senator Seaton had argued that vice-presidential candidate Senator Richard Nixon should begin speaking in August so that the public could get acquainted with him before the General took the spotlight, with the General holding off until September. General Eisenhower agreed with this approach, analogizing a political campaign to a military campaign, indicating that once the candidate started, there must be follow-through and increase of the pressure. He left the decision up to Governor Adams and Senator Seaton, who overruled Mr. Summerfield.

Next, Mr. Summerfield sought to move the campaign headquarters to Washington so that the RNC could take a more active part, most of the advisers agreeing that Denver was a poor location for a campaign headquarters, making it difficult to transmit press releases to the large Eastern newspapers. Senator Carlson wanted to establish the headquarters in the Midwest, suggesting Chicago, but Governor Dewey was anxious to move the headquarters east. In the end, Governor Adams agreed to set up a headquarters in Washington, but instead of leaving it to the RNC, had gone to Washington to head it up and ride herd on Mr. Summerfield's crowd.

The column indicates that there were some unhappy moments during a closed-door session of the Senate Elections Committee which had been probing Senator Joseph McCarthy, the unhappiness extending to elder statesman, Senator Carl Hayden of Arizona, chairman of the Rules Committee, who favored firing of Senator Guy Gillette of Iowa as the chairman because of his dilatory conduct of the investigation. It had been 11 months since serious charges had been filed against Senator McCarthy, with a resolution that he be expelled from the Senate, but Senator Gillette had issued no final report. His excuse for inaction was that the two Republican members of the Committee were absent, with Senator Robert Hendrickson of New Jersey in Europe and Senator Herman Welker of Idaho, a close friend of Senator McCarthy, having sent word that he was in a mountain camp and would not return until they reached him with a message.

There had been much speculation of what the President would do when he retired from the White House. The previous week he had spelled out part of his plans to Congressman Sam Yorty of California—the future Mayor of Los Angeles—, indicating that he would take a leisurely trip around the world with Bess. They would go to Europe and part of Africa, especially Ethiopia, to study the effects of the Point Four program of technical aid to underdeveloped nations. The tentative itinerary called for visits to England and Holland, where he would return the visits from Queen Elizabeth and Queen Juliana, respectively. They would also go to France, where he would return the visit of President Vincent Auriol, and to Italy to pay his respects to Premier Alcide de Gasperi, who had also visited the White House. The President appeared especially anxious to visit Greece, where the 1947 Truman Doctrine was credited by many diplomats with halting the march of Communism. The President had not been to Europe since the mid-1945 Potsdam Conference. He had first gone to Europe as a captain in the Missouri National Guard during World War I, in 1917.

Mr. Pearson notes that the most historic foreign pilgrimage ever undertaken by a former President was that of Ulysses S. Grant, traveling around the world, a trip during which he was presented so many gifts that he could have lived on their proceeds the remainder of his life had he sold them.

A non-bylined piece, out of Milwaukee, titled "M'Carthy Applauded at Home", tells of Senator McCarthy returning to the Republican primary campaign trail after recovering from his surgery, indicating that he had attacked General Eisenhower, among other noteworthy things which he had stated in a speech in suburban Shorewood. The Senator was backed by the Wisconsin Republican organization, the state's largest businessmen and their friends and allies. In consequence of that support, he had initially believed it would be better to say little or nothing during the campaign, until two weeks earlier, when his opponent, Len Schmitt, adopted the radio "talkathon" method for 26 hours with good results. The radio show had attracted an estimated 90 percent of radio owners in the Milwaukee area and more than 5,000 listeners had phoned in questions for Mr. Schmitt, with small, voluntary contributions having paid over half of the $10,000 cost of the program.

In response to the challenge, Senator McCarthy had filled a high school auditorium with a group of Republicans who hated everything which had occurred since President Hoover, including the nomination of General Eisenhower instead of Senator Taft, a crowd which the Senator found easy to stir to "paroxysms of hatred". Such people would be disappointed "at a political meeting which did not make them froth at the mouth". They had made it obvious that General Eisenhower was now one of their objects of hatred.

When Governor Walter Kohler, Jr., initially spoke in support of the national ticket, as had the chairman of the meeting, the audience sat on their hands. A circular was distributed among them which indicated that General Eisenhower was their third choice, after Senator Taft and General MacArthur, a sentiment to which most nodded approval. It also stated that between General Eisenhower and Senator McCarthy, they would take the Senator.

Senator McCarthy then spoke, "with a typical crafty, oily, falsely emotional, contrived speech, including an obvious fabrication concerning his former relations with [deceased former Secretary of Defense] James V. Forrestal (a witness who cannot be called) and much other stuff of the same sort." In the middle of the speech, he attacked General Eisenhower and branded all of those who disliked his methods as mere stooges of the Kremlin. Quoting General Eisenhower's words, he said that there were even some "well-meaning" persons who denounced "character assassination" and "witch-hunting". The audience picked up on the reference and began cheering. By the end of the speech, he proclaimed that he, alone, would defeat Governor Stevenson by "exposing" him in the familiar manner of his prior expositions.

The piece suggests that it was hard to imagine anything which would fit less well with the Eisenhower strategy than such intervention by Senator McCarthy in the national campaign. It finds the show to have been a "pretty worrying business" because of "this little man's menace to the big man, Eisenhower." It was also worrying because the crowd showed "such extreme loathing of moderation in any form, and such unalloyed delight in this demagogue of hatred who is becoming the chosen front man for a certain type of American conservative."

The piece, of course, might have substituted the name Trump for McCarthy and the name of the attacked with a modern counterpart, and perfectly cast the "rallies" of the latter-day hero of the far right in this country, still reveling in the politics of destruction, hate and outright lies, ultimately, as with their predecessors on that trail, to the end of their own. It can only go so far until devolving to a boring, redundant stuck record, with nowhere to go except into the oblivion of the lead-out groove.

Peg & Pietre Streit—presumably related to Clarence Streit—, writing from Bern, Switzerland, tell of a dozen Congressmen being delegates to the week-long Interparliamentary Union, composed of representatives of the governing bodies of some 35 countries. The Union had no official governmental status, but for decades had been used as an international clearinghouse and sounding board for trends and ideas on government.

After the delegates had made their formal speeches, they adjourned to the small cafés for informal discussion and one day conducted their business on a small excursion train, the electrified Toonerville Trolley, to the top of a mountain.

All of the 350 delegates and many of their wives had gone on the excursion. Senator Thomas Underwood of Kentucky described the train trip as being resemblant to an American parlor car, as he sat with some Dutch, British and Swiss parliamentarians, telling him their troubles as he told them his. Representative Hale Boggs of Louisiana, gesturing toward a group of Indians, Burmese and Englishmen, said, "We are all politicians and it doesn't take us long to get acquainted." Wisconsin Senator Alexander Wiley, multilingual, was able to converse to a limited degree in Danish, Norwegian, German and Swedish. Representative Albert Gore of Tennessee indicated that interest and curiosity in the coming U.S. election had been at a fever pitch all over the Continent, and particularly at the conference, but that no one appeared seriously concerned about its outcome. A British Labor M. P. from Lancashire, Harry Hynd, agreed, saying that he wanted Governor Stevenson to win but that it would not be a calamity if he did not, that in England, they said that the U.S. had two parties, both of which were conservative. Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee and his wife, Nancy, said that between the previous election campaign and the Swiss Alps, they were "bushed".

An Indian delegate favored a world union which would bring hope to everyone, over a European Union or other regional union.

Marquis Childs tells of Tom Mechling's Democratic primary victory in Nevada, to face Senator George Malone in the general election, finding him an inspired, hard worker, representing a trend of such young, insurgent candidates across the country.

McCarthyism and its charges of Communism in the government, having first begun two and a half years earlier, had been spreading across the country "like a contagion", bringing with it a new kind of politics. Eighteen months earlier, a subcommittee had been appointed to examine the charges brought by Senator William Benton of Connecticut against Senator McCarthy, and recently, some members of that subcommittee had met to consider the findings of investigators working on bank and brokerage records of the Senator and some of his associates. The records had shown a number of transactions involving fairly large amounts of money which seemed to have no relation to the income tax returns of the Senator or his administrative assistant. Senator Guy Gillette favored doing nothing about the matter, despite other members indicating that it was unfair to all concerned, including Senator McCarthy, to leave it hanging.

Mr. Childs indicates that it was "bad business", sounding as though it came from the court of some Oriental pasha rather than from the Senate of the United States. He suggests that the revolt of the voters in state after state might well have been inspired by that sort of "byzantine intrigue".

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