The Charlotte News

Wednesday, August 20, 1952

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the U.S. Fifth Air Force stated this date that 200 Air Force and Navy warplanes had hit a Communist ammunition supply and troop billeting area on the Korean West Coast, about 25 miles northwest of Pyongyang, with Sabre jets damaging one of four enemy MIG-15s, intercepted about 100 miles north of Pyongyang. Planes from U.S. carriers operating on the East Coast had first hit the target, followed by Fifth Air Force fighter-bombers. There were eight separate targets in the area, according to the Air Force. Returning pilots reported that 58 buildings had been demolished and five damaged.

The U.S. Eighth Army reported that during the week ending August 14, U.N. forces had killed or wounded 3,134 enemy troops. Most of the casualties had been inflicted by the Marines on either "Bunker Hill" or "Siberia Hill", near the truce negotiation site at Panmunjom. The Marines had seized "Bunker Hill" from the Chinese on August 12 and repulsed seven large enemy attempts to recapture it. U.N. troops had thrown back a Communist probe against the hill early this date in a matter of five minutes. The Fifth Air Force reported destruction of two enemy artillery positions in air strikes in the sector.

The only ground action reported this date involved minor enemy probes which were easily repulsed, and small patrol skirmishes.

In Moscow, as reported by Thomas P. Whitney, the Communist Party announced this date that it would hold its first party congress in 13 years, the following October 5, to reorganize the party and set up a fifth five-year plan to increase Soviet industrial output by 70 percent by the end of 1955. The decree for the party congress had been issued by the central committee and published in all Moscow newspapers, indicating that the Politburo would be replaced by a "presidium" which would guide the work of the central committee between sessions. The presidium would have as much or perhaps more importance in the organization than the Politburo presently had, and would likely have much the same composition. But until the new statutes authorizing the restructure were enacted by the congress in October, the election of the new central committee would not be known. Under the present structure, the Politburo was the de facto ruling body in the Soviet Union and derived its power from the central committee. It was comprised of Prime Minister Stalin, secretary-general of the party, and ten others. The party secretariat would remain under the new organization. The name of the party would be changed from the All-Union Communist Party, adopted two decades earlier, to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Western observers in Moscow believed it would be the most important meeting held in the Soviet Union since the end of the war. Speculation ran that the reason for the meeting was that the rulers of the party now believed that they were strongly enough entrenched to face party members in a new congress, the 19th since the Communist Party had been formed.

In Berlin, a 60-year old American camera manufacturer, trapped in Germany by World War II, indicated this date that he had spent seven years in Russian zone prisons, constantly hungry and despairing. He said that he had finally been released on July 4 and shipped to West Berlin, where he was presently awaiting approval from Washington to return to his home in Detroit. He had originally been born in Germany and emigrated to the U.S. in 1920, returning to Germany in 1938 to open a camera factory in Dresden, accompanied by his wife and two sons. He had planned to return to Detroit after a year or two, but was prevented by the war, the Nazis not allowing him to leave. After the Russians arrived in Dresden in May, 1945, they had initially treated him well for about six weeks, sending him on a trip to the American zone to obtain some optical equipment. But upon his return, the Soviets used that as an excuse to charge him with illegal entry for the purpose of stealing cameras from his own factory and imprisoned him and his family. His wife and one son were released in January, 1946, but he remained imprisoned along with his other son in Dresden, then later at the former Nazi concentration camp at Buchenwald, and finally at the notorious Communist camp at Waldheim. He stated that his repeated demands for a trial had been refused on the basis that the East Germans, to whom the Soviets had turned him over, were not authorized to try an American. During the current spring, however, the East Germans had arranged for a trial of him at Leipzig, charging him with the original illegal entry complaint and for having supported the Nazi regime by engaging in private enterprise during its rule. He said that he had not been a Nazi and had chosen eastern Germany as a natural place to manufacture cameras because German cameras were known for their quality worldwide. The Leipzig court had nevertheless found him guilty and sentenced him to his time served since the end of the war, releasing him to West Berlin.

Another Gallup poll appears, this one providing the first post-convention analysis of the public's reaction to the Republican and Democratic presidential nominees, showing, for the first time, that there was only a minor difference between the views of those between the ages of 21 and 29 and those 50 years or older. Previously Democrats held a decisive edge of about ten percentage points among voters in their twenties, in each of the prior four elections. The difference now had decreased to four percentage points, with the Republicans having gained ten points since 1948, as well as eight points in the 30 to 49 age group and a point in the 50 or older age group. Eliminating the undecided respondents resulted in the same margin between Democrats and Republicans among those in their twenties, as well in the other two age groups, assuming the undecided respondents voted in the same proportion as the other respondents.

General Eisenhower would deliver his first political speech of the campaign this date, which would, according to Arthur Vandenberg, Jr., executive secretary of the campaign, ask Americans to reject both the "extreme left and right" and follow a course "squarely down the middle". The speech would be delivered in Boise, Idaho, at the state Capitol, after the General conferred with Republican Governors of ten Western states. Meanwhile, vice-presidential nominee, Senator Richard Nixon, was scheduled to make a major speech at Hampton Beach, N. H. The Senator indicated that General Eisenhower planned to bypass the labor bosses, who, he contended, favored Governor Stevenson, and go directly to the workers, themselves, to try to win the labor vote. During his speech, the Senator indicated that Governor Stevenson was the President's "shadow".

Governor Stevenson continued to take his vacation in a timbered retreat in Wisconsin before resuming his campaign on Friday. There were indications that he would open a Western tour with a speech on September 5 in Denver, the headquarters of the Eisenhower campaign. Senator John Sparkman, the Democratic vice-presidential nominee, was campaigning through his native Alabama.

In Raleigh, the state Democratic executive committee was expected to nominate Charles Carroll for state superintendent of public instruction at its meeting in the afternoon, to re-elect future Senator B. Everett Jordan as its chairman, and also name three new presidential electors. Mr. Carroll, who would succeed the late Dr. Clyde Erwin, was the superintendent of the High Point schools and had the endorsement of both Governor Kerr Scott and Governor-nominate, William B. Umstead. Mr. Carroll would be the Democratic candidate in the November general election, thus practically assuring him of victory over the Republican.

Tom Fesperman of The News tells of the Republicans opening their state campaign headquarters in Charlotte this date, beating the Democrats by several days. The leader of the local organization indicated that he believed the Republicans would put up the largest fight in years in an effort to win some Congressional seats in the state. They would win the 10th Congressional seat, encompassing Charlotte, with the election of Charles Jonas, but no other. Governor Stevenson would carry the state handily.

Mecklenburg County's Citizens for Eisenhower organization also established its separate headquarters, less than three blocks away.

In Keystone Heights, Fla., the Rev. J. Frank Norris, 74, a Baptist pastor from Fort Worth, Tex., who believed that a preacher "ought to stir up the devil", had died this date of a heart attack. He had been in Florida to attend a Fundamentalist Baptist Youth Camp at Keystone Heights. He had appeared in good health during camp meetings the previous night but died in the wee hours of the morning. He had been a leader in the organization of the Fundamentalist Baptist Churches, which had its worldwide headquarters in Chicago, established in 1937, with 3,000 affiliated churches. He had been pastor of a Detroit church for 16 years before resigning in May, 1951 to take up the full-time duties of the pastorate at the block-long First Baptist Church in downtown Fort Worth, where he had been pastor for three years before his resignation from the pastorate in Detroit. He was chairman of the trustees of the Bible Baptist Seminary, which he helped found in Fort Worth in 1939. On Sundays, his sermons in Fort Worth were broadcast over loudspeakers positioned outside the huge auditorium. During his life he had gone through several controversial situations, including a murder trial in 1927, in which he had pleaded self-defense to the killing of a Fort Worth lumberman shot in Rev. Norris's office, and was acquitted. At the time, the preacher had been carrying on a crusade against city politics, referencing specific persons in the process.

In Spartanburg, S.C., the Sheriff announced the arrest of a 29-year old man, who, according to the Sheriff, had confessed to the shooting murder of a man and sexual assault on his female companion on a lonely dirt road near the airport the previous Wednesday night. The sheriff indicated that the man's footprints matched plaster casts of footprints taken at the scene of the crime and that his fingerprints matched those obtained shortly afterward during the investigation. Billfolds, money, two watches and a compact, the latter identified by the assaulted woman as belonging to her, were also recovered, hidden on a farm two miles south of where the suspect worked. A .22-caliber rifle belonging to the man was also located at a house, after an autopsy had revealed that a .22-caliber bullet had been the cause of the death. The man's confession matched almost entirely the account provided by the surviving companion.

In Shelby, N.C., police were asked by relatives of a young bride and groom, who had not returned from their honeymoon in Baltimore, to try to locate them. They had departed Shelby on July 6 and left word in Baltimore a few days later that they might journey to Texas, but had not been heard from since. Both had worked at a Charlotte radio repair service.

In Sao Paolo, Brazil, hospital authorities reported that a 38-year old woman had given birth to quintuplets, all girls, the previous night. All were reported to have a good chance of survival, though each weighed less than three pounds. The couple had been married ten years and had seven other children, five of whom were now deceased.

In Kirkland, Ind., a fire erupted in the cab of a milk truck, whereupon the driver grabbed the fire extinguisher from the cab, finding it too small to put out the fire, prompting the driver to run into the nearby volunteer fire station and grab a larger extinguisher, which also would not work, causing him to grab another, which likewise would not work, finally sounding the siren to summon the volunteer firemen, but it would not work either. Nearby residents began calling the volunteers who lived nearby, but when they arrived, they could not get the nozzles fitted on the hose of the fire truck. Eventually, the fire had burned itself out without spreading to the attached trailer and the $3,000 cargo of milk.

Murphy was present.

In Salisbury Beach, N.H., television and nightclub entertainer Dagmar narrowly escaped injury after a bow on her dress caught fire as she leaned over an outdoor barbecue. Her husband suffered slight burns putting out the sparks.

On the editorial page, "Mr. Jonas Tags the Culprit" tells of Republican Congressional nominee Charles Jonas, in the local district race against incumbent Congressmen Hamilton Jones, having put his finger on the real culprit when he told members of the Charlotte Rotary Club that Congress was as much responsible for big spending and deficit financing as the President. It agrees, indicating that the President proposed legislation and spending, but that the Congress passed the appropriations and laws.

Mr. Jonas had also indicated that Congress was subject to the pressure applied by interest groups who had a vested interests in continuing government spending, and not so much about the welfare of the country.

The piece adds that he could have also said that frequently, those pressure groups included local chambers of commerce, who were usually critical of Federal spending, but joined wholeheartedly to obtain a new Federal project for their locality when the opportunity arose. It suggests that an economy-minded administration could hold down budget requests if it so chose, but that in the final analysis, it was Congress which authorized the spending and it was thus up to Congress to render its appropriations on a sound basis.

"Now It's the Talkathon" tells of a radio talkathon in which candidates provided voters insight to their breakfast and sleeping habits as well as their political views. In 1950, Governor Dewey had appeared before television cameras just before the gubernatorial election and answered questions at length. The allowing of the public to come into his living room had been generally credited for his large re-election majority.

The talkathon had been developed by radio and advertising men in Florida and furnished candidates with advance men, publicity men, floor managers, and production directors, and hired telephone crews to man the local and long distance calls, enabling the candidate to sit before the microphone and answer questions until he petered out. Periodically, an announcer would give a pitch for donations, which would then roll in by the thousands.

Judge Francis Cherry, who had beaten Governor Sid McMath for the Arkansas Democratic gubernatorial nomination, had risen from obscurity via such a talkathon, which he manned for 26 hours. The relatively unknown opponent of Senator Joseph McCarthy in Wisconsin for the Republican nomination had just finished his first talkathon, after 25 hours.

It doubts that either General Eisenhower, who was known for his brevity, or Governor Stevenson, who was known for packing ideas and philosophy into a 2,000-word speech, would care for this technique. It chooses a 15-minute political speech in preference to such a device, which could only lead to verbosity rather than clarity. The menu preferences and sleep habits and whether a candidate liked cowboy movies or read biographies, would not improve voter information necessary to make a rational choice in an election.

"A Warning" tells of a 16-year old boy having been killed while riding his bicycle in Charlotte, and neither the accident report nor the news stories having indicated whether he had a headlight and rear reflector, as required by municipal ordinance. It indicates that it was possible that those devices would not have saved him in the haze and rain of the prior Tuesday morning when the accident occurred. It was a reminder that bicycling could be dangerous in non-daylight hours and that even lights did not enable the bicyclist to stand out in the glare of an automobile's approaching lights. But when they were not so equipped, it was an invitation to disaster. Even motorcycle owners ignored the law. It urges all bicyclists to follow the law and so equip their bikes.

"Birds We Love, But…" tells of an anonymous editorial writer for the Atlanta Journal-Constitution having become concerned about an oriole in Ohio hanging itself as it tried to weave a horsehair into its nest, leading the editorial writer to worry about the dreadful things which happened to birds. He had suggested that if the birds were suddenly to disappear, there would be no wren singing the "merriest of all songs", nor lordly cardinal whistling, nor thrasher "flinging the leaves in a tempest of search", nor robin stretching a worm.

The piece indicates that it was also on the side of the birds, for their eating bugs and cleaning up table scraps, especially scrambled eggs, mashed potatoes or steamed rice, and for the fact that some of them provided cheer. But the "Papa Jay" which perched on the telephone wire right outside the upstairs bedroom window every morning at the crack of dawn and railed and screeched until someone put some breadcrumbs or seed out for it to consume had to be "a creature of low morals". All summer long, it had been feeding its young, who made noise just as irritatingly as did Papa. There were also Papa Cardinals around cracking sunflower seeds with their beaks, which made a sound like firecrackers. Thus, it concludes that while it loved birds, it did not find so much affection for them at around 5:00 a.m., a couple of hours before the alarm clock sounded.

Well, that is what you get for serving them up table scraps of the scrambled eggs, mashed potatoes, and steamed rice. Use a little common sense and they will go away, and simply chirp while they collect their own worms.

A piece from the New York Herald-Tribune, titled "How To Stop the Kluxers", praises North Carolina for showing the way in how to deal with the Klan, refusing to tolerate the series of floggings which had terrorized North Carolina communities in the southeastern part of the state, in Columbus County and and Robeson County. Wholesale arrests had been made since February, and indictments had swiftly followed, with stern punishments meted out in a series of trials and pleas. There was one Federal case, but otherwise the cases were all handled at the State level. There had been 63 defendants in the Columbus County case, including Imperial Wizard Thomas Hamilton of South Carolina. A dozen alleged floggings had been involved, of both whites and blacks, and the prosecution had been so effective that Mr. Hamilton had pleaded guilty, along with numerous other defendants. Prison terms and fines were imposed on many of the defendants, with Mr. Hamilton having received four years in prison.

The judge in the latter case had stated: "The day has not come in North Carolina when a man has to barricade himself in his home with the setting sun." The piece finds that to have been well spoken and that it was a safe prediction that North Carolina would not have further concern regarding the Klan and its "variety of outrages against law and order". It urges other states so plagued to look to North Carolina as an example of extermination of the problem.

That was 1952. But if one were to flash forward to Greensboro in November, 1979, North Carolinians could no longer hold their heads high, in the wake of the killing by Klan members of five persons, four of whom were Communist Workers Party members, in broad daylight and clearly not in self-defense, yet resulting in acquittal of the six Klansmen charged in the incident, despite there having been videotape plainly showing the murders, probably the worst act of jury nullification in the South since the 1960's, made even worse than that earlier history by the fact of the videotape. The same result followed a Federal trial in 1984 on alleged violations of civil rights against nine Klansmen. What happened in the interim can best be described in three words: Senator Jesse Helms.

Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois, substituting for Drew Pearson while he was on vacation, discusses the Democratic and Republican conventions of July, indicating that "[t]hose jamborees served as a false front for the back-room deals of a small group of political leaders." He finds that both conventions, nevertheless, had nominated two strong candidates, but that several times in the previous fifty years, both the Democratic and Republican bosses had disregarded the wishes of the party rank-and-file and nominated the candidate they wanted. In one of those instances, that of Warren Harding, that candidate had become President, dying suddenly in San Francisco on August 2, 1923, after the Teapot Dome scandal had materialized.

There were still voters who believed that they had been cheated out of a chance to select their first choice in November, and he finds that the democracy was marred by the paradox of 60 million "voteless" citizens in the non-primary states. Television had shown Americans that the present system needed reform but the question was how to do it. The ideal method was to adopt a Constitutional amendment to permit Congress to set up a national primary, such an amendment having been proposed by Senator George Smathers of Florida, of which Senator Douglas was co-sponsor, indicating that he would do his utmost to ensure its passage. Woodrow Wilson had suggested such a national primary while he was running for President in 1912.

But, he warns, there were those with a vested interest in the status quo who would do what they could to block the proposal, and might force a compromise. In that event, an alternate bill, which he had been introduced in the previous session of Congress, would likely be pushed, that seeking to increase the number of primaries by directing the Attorney General to negotiate agreements with the states for holding primaries before July 1 of each quadrennial presidential election year. The states which would enter those agreements would receive financial assistance for use in their election facilities and services. Even though these primaries would not legally bind the national convention delegates to vote for a state's indicated presidential preference, they would serve as a strong persuasive influence.

He concludes with the observation that after watching the national conventions on television, the people were determined to obtain their rightful say in the selection of the nominees, and the grass-roots feeling appeared to be for a national primary.

Marquis Childs indicates that to all who had access to top intelligence reports, the prolonged effort to reach a truce in Korea presently appeared completely hopeless and that but for the propaganda value to the Communists of prolonging the talks, they would have already ended. It was likely, therefore, that the war of stalemate would continue through the fall campaign. It was not clear how much the war would impact the campaign. Had Senator Taft been the nominee, the issue of "Truman's war" would have been brandished several times each day.

What could be done about the war was also anyone's guess. It had been reported that a buildup of air power in Japan and Korea was taking place to make North Korea untenable for an effective military force, but no one was contending that such a buildup would break the stalemate or end the conflict.

New atomic weaponry would be used in the war should the Communists launch a large-scale attack, and with each passing day, the ability to implement those weapons improved. U.N. ground commander, General James Van Fleet, was confident that any such attack could be repelled with comparatively few U.N. losses. There was no current sign that such an attack was in the offing and the Communists had appeared to accept the inevitability of a stalemate. North Korean leaders were for the first time discussing the permanent division of the country into separate nations of North and South Korea. But President Syngman Rhee of South Korea, recently re-elected, continued to talk about conquering North Korea and driving out the Communists, forming a unified Korea under one government.

Someone on the civilian side of defense had to explain, ventures Mr. Childs, what was to take place in the war, someone other than a representative of the Department of Defense. General Omar Bradley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs, had refused all speaking engagements, along with three of the chiefs. They would only speak at war memorials where dedicatory remarks were limited to the theme of heroism and patriotism. They had not spoken at the convention in Los Angeles for the Veterans of Foreign Wars and would not address the American Legion convention in New York the following week.

Secretary of Defense Robert Lovett had stated at one of his rare press conferences that he was definitely not going to take part in the political campaign. The President, as Secretary Lovett had pointed out, had directed several times that no one in the Defense Department should take any part in politics. The Secretary was planning to leave his position on or before January 20, when a new President would take office, and the new President would find it difficult to replace Mr. Lovett and his 12 years of nearly continuous effort on behalf of American security. Mr. Childs suggests that the new President would be wise to try to persuade Mr. Lovett to remain, at least for awhile.

James Marlow explains what would happen if one of the presidential or vice-presidential nominees were to die prior to election day. No presidential nominee of either major party had ever died prior to an election and one vice-presidential nominee had died just prior to the election, that having been James Sherman in 1912, on the Republican ticket headed by President Taft, which went on to lose to Woodrow Wilson. (He does not mention the case of William R. King of North Carolina, who had been elected Vice-President under President Franklin Pierce in 1852, but had, before taking office in March, 1853, contracted tuberculosis and gone to Cuba to regain his health, then dying six weeks later just after his return to the United States, having been permitted by Congress to take the oath of office in Cuba.)

The delegates to the Democratic convention each four years re-adopted a rule whereby if either of the nominees were to die, the DNC would pick a new nominee. The Republican convention had adopted a rule whereby either the RNC could name a replacement or could call a new national convention to do so.

And, of course, that need, fortunately, did not arise in 1952 and has not arisen since. Only in one instance, the Democratic ticket in 1972, has there been a change in the vice-presidential nominee, that being Senator Thomas Eagleton, having taken himself off the ticket after a revelation by Knight Newspapers that he had undergone some limited psychiatric treatment some years earlier resulting from what the Senator described as post-election distress, despite having won. Adding to the problem was a subsequently debunked rumor broadcast by columnist Jack Anderson on his radio program that the Senator had been arrested for drunken or reckless driving or speeding a half dozen times. The reports having become instantly controversial at a time when the Democrats did not want controversy, Senator Eagleton was replaced by presidential nominee Senator George McGovern with Sargent Shriver, who had been the first director of the Peace Corps and was, of course, a brother-in-law of President Kennedy and Senators Robert and Edward Kennedy.

Incidentally, a year less a day after an unnamed source first disclosed to Knight Newspapers the information regarding Senator Eagleton's psychiatric past, White House special assistant Alexander Butterfield would reveal to the Senate Select Committee on Watergate, chaired by Senator Sam Ervin of North Carolina, the existence of the White House taping system, and the rest, as they say...

It also should not escape notice that actor Melvyn Douglas, a panelist on the above-linked March 24, 1957 "What's My Line?", was married to former actress and Congresswoman Helen Gahagan Douglas, who was beaten by Congressman Richard Nixon in the 1950 California Senate campaign, after the latter suggested that Ms. Douglas was a Communist sympathizer. And, that program aired a day after UNC won the 1957 N.C.A.A. Championship in Kansas City against the Wilt Chamberlain-led University of Kansas, UNC at the time coached by Frank McGuire, who, as pointed out by a letter writer the previous Friday, had just become UNC's head coach on August 12, 1952.

A letter writer from Lincolnton, who had previously written on the subject of dogs, favorable to the canine breed, and having been suggested by one previous letter writer as a gubernatorial candidate in 1956, says that he had received letters from all over the state urging him to run. Five wealthy women had offered to support such a gubernatorial campaign. He thanks everyone who had made the suggestion and indicates that he had not yet made up his mind on the matter, the response having caught him so much by surprise on the basis of one short letter he had written to The News. He indicates that he would let his supporters know within 30 days whether he would run in 1956 on the Democratic ticket.

We shall await that news pantingly, but, in the meantime, remember not to become too much headily influenced by a sudden emotional response to one short letter on a topic with great sentimental appeal to many. Your public is a fickle crowd, and if you express just one small hint of intention to limit the freedom of dogs via approbation of a local leash law or the like, maybe even by voicing practical concern for public safety through endorsing inoculation laws, sure to be controversial among those who think it a conspiracy to limit the dogs' natural tendencies to be rabid on occasion when Sparky's nature so dictates, you may find yourself in the proverbial candidate's doghouse. Moreover, it would not really be very sensible to have a platform for a gubernatorial campaign based on kindness to dogs. You would wind up probably mocked in the press ruefully, or ruff-ruffully, as a dog of a candidate.

But, maybe given your name, they might mistake you for the actor James Dean and vote for you on that basis also. By 1956, however, that prospect, except among the very uninformed, would be remote. Of course, maybe your strategy will be, like the current "President" in 2019, to appeal to the very least informed among us. President Nixon used Bernard Barker and his associates for the special purpose, the C.R.E.E.P. dicks.

A letter writer from Pittsboro comments on a letter of August 13 which had suggested that the Republican Party was bankrupt and that General Eisenhower was a good receiver for it. The writer indicates that he was more concerned about the Government being bankrupted, or even a dictatorship, with the loss of all freedom. He proceeds to supply a lot of figures—which one should never do in the context of a letter to the editor, unless you happen to have a well-known name attached to the letter. For no one is going to read those figures, unless they are your friend or related to you. He indicates that Governor Stevenson's family owned a newspaper which had criticized the Administration, something which he believes ought be persuasive to voters that the Administration was the "all-time low in waste, inefficiency and corruption."

But the President is not running.

A letter writer from Santa Barbara, California, president of the Friends of the Birds, Inc., who had written previously, indicates that Governor Stevenson's veto of a bill to restrict cat vagrancy, to conserve song-insectivorous birds, would not be brought up by the writer were it not for the fact that items on the subject had appeared in the press. After the bill had passed both houses of the Illinois Legislature, a reporter had said to her that the Governor had a pet cat and that he might therefore veto the bill, to which she replied that it would be impossible for any Governor to veto such a bill for that reason. She indicates that the veto had stated that the Governor could not believe that there was widespread public demand for the law, which she counters by stating that the fact that the Illinois legislators had passed the bill showed that there was such a demand. The veto had objected to the use of cat traps, but she indicates that all humane societies used them. It had also indicated that the problem of the cat versus the bird was as old as time, but, she offers, the same might be said of war, crime and other evils which were the subject of legislation, concluding that it was "no reason for doing nothing or making it a laughing matter."

Lock all the stray cats up and throw away the key, so that all birds, otherwise in the cats' eyes' gaze infrangible, can fly free.

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