The Charlotte News
Wednesday, December 10, 1952
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Sam Summerlin, that that U.S. Navy airplanes had smashed four large Communist rail and supply targets near Manchuria the previous day, the largest seaborne raid of the Korean War. One of the strikes had involved the northernmost raid of the war, a strip of Korean territory protruding into Manchuria, surrounded on three sides by a Communist Chinese province. The targets were Honyung, Musan, Najin and Hyesanjin. In other air action, U.S. Sabre jets destroyed one MIG-15 and damaged another, while an enemy jet which had been listed on Sunday as probably destroyed was confirmed as destroyed.
The Defense Department announced that U.S. battle casualties in Korea had reached 127,658, an increase of 275 since the previous week, no breakdown of that total being provided.
The Army said this date that it planned to reduce production of medium tanks by about 45 percent from the original goal set for the spring of 1954, representing a rescheduling of deliveries but no reduction in the total amount of equipment being purchased. Secretary of Defense Robert Lovett had said the previous September that he thought the time was approaching when production of some hard goods, including tanks, might be leveled off to a sustaining rate.
At the U.N. in New York, Britain and the U.S. led a fight this date against a move to invite the Bey of Tunis to send a spokesman to express his complaints against France, which controlled the protectorate. A resolution had been submitted by Pakistan, seeking approval by the 60-nation Political Committee of issuance of the invitation. The U.S. delegate argued that acceptance of the invitation would violate the Bey's treaty with France, under which he had agreed not to take independent action in foreign affairs. Russia had argued that the Bey could provide "valuable information". The resolution called on France and Tunisia to negotiate a settlement under the supervision of a U.N. commission, and that France establish normal civil liberties in Tunisia, which had been ruled by martial law during recent months during bloody, nationalist-inspired violence. There was little hope that France would accept that resolution. A compromise resolution, sponsored by the Latin American countries and backed by the U.S., would provide that the General Assembly would urge moderation by both France and Tunisia and appeal for them to settle their differences.
In Washington, before the Supreme Court, oral arguments continued in the school desegregation cases out of the four states and the District of Columbia, subsumed under Brown v. Board of Education, having begun the previous day and to be concluded the following day. During the previous day, the NAACP, led by future Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall, had sought striking down segregation laws in Kansas and South Carolina school systems, as being per se unconstitutional. John W. Davis, the Democratic presidential nominee in 1924, advocated for the state of South Carolina, contending that the 14th Amendment did not limit the right of a state to classify students on the basis of race, as long as there was substantial equality of facilities. He had argued that otherwise, there could be no classification of students on the basis of sex, age or mental capacity. Mr. Marshall had argued that "governmental-imposed segregation" in South Carolina did deny equal protection under the 14th Amendment, based on the idea that the separate-but-equal doctrine of Plessy v. Ferguson of 1896 had never fulfilled its original purpose and thus could not be deemed to accord equal protection—ultimately to become the holding of the Court in May, 1954. Robert Carter, for the NAACP, argued the case in Brown regarding the Kansas segregation law, stating that separate schools were detrimental to black students, communicating a status of inferiority and preventing contact with the majority group of children, not contending that the Topeka elementary schools for black students, specifically at issue, were inferior to the white schools. Justice Felix Frankfurter did most of the questioning of Mr. Carter, inquiring whether the Court was being asked to overrule the long line of cases upholding the basic separate-but-equal doctrine, to which Mr. Carter answered in the affirmative if the Court found it necessary to invalidate the Kansas law. In South Carolina, separate schools were mandatory under the State Constitution, and in Kansas, the law permitted local school boards in cities above 15,000 population to provide for separate schools through the eighth grade, and permitted separate high schools in Kansas City.
In Washington, Mr. Davis testified this date before a House subcommittee investigating tax-exempt foundations for possible evidence of subversive influence, that Secretary of State-designate John Foster Dulles had first recommended Alger Hiss to become head of the Carnegie Foundation for International Peace and that all reports on Mr. Hiss had been good. Mr. Davis was a trustee of the Foundation. He said that there was no magic formula of which he was aware to prevent recurrences of that sort of situation.
A Federal judge this date refused a stay of execution to Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, sentenced to be executed on January 11, pursuant to their March, 1951 convictions for providing atomic secrets to the Russians. The Supreme Court had already denied their petitions for writ of certiorari. The court also denied an application by co-defendant Morton Sobell to have his 30-year prison sentence set aside on constitutional grounds.
President-elect Eisenhower, still returning from his trip to Korea aboard the U.S.S. Helena, bound for Hawaii, stated in an exchange of messages that he was willing to hear any plan which General MacArthur might have for ending the Korean War, clearing the way for a meeting between the two men. General MacArthur had replied on Monday that he was grateful for the President-elect's expressed interest in his views. General MacArthur, the prior Friday, in a speech to the National Association of Manufacturers in New York, had stated that there was "a clear and definite solution to the Korean conflict" without unduly increasing casualties or increasing the risk of world war. General MacArthur said that it was the first time that his views had been shown any interest since he had been called home from his posts as supreme commander of the Far Eastern forces and the U.N. forces in Korea, appearing to be a slap at the Truman Administration and the President, who had fired him in April, 1951.
In New York, six men had been shot by a gunman from Cleveland in Times Square during a battle between the gunman and police, until finally wounded, himself. Three police officers had been seriously wounded and three passersby had been nicked. Police indicated that the gunman had been responsible for dozens of armed holdups in the New York area during the previous year. Cleveland police were also seeking him on an armed robbery charge, heading what the police said the gunman called the "shotgun gang" there. One of the members of his gang had also been arrested during the shootout.
In Raleigh, the State Supreme Court would hear the appeal of the conviction in Yanceyville in Caswell County of the black farmer for assault by leering at a 17-year old white girl. It had been the second trial of the charge, the first having ended in a hung jury when two of four black members of the jury refused to convict. The second jury had been all-white. As indicated, the following March, the State Supreme Court would reverse the conviction, holding that an assault could not be committed merely by leering, without some menacing action by the alleged assailant suggesting reasonable apprehension of an imminent, offensive touching.
In Charlotte, Donald MacDonald of The News reports that a thief had snatched a pocketbook from a woman, stealing $40 in cash and a $50 check which was collected for a children's Christmas party, after the woman had been beaten in the process while walking home from the Tenth Avenue Presbyterian Church the previous night. A man had stepped from an archway of an apartment building and asked her for a match, to which she had responded in the negative, at which point the assailant asked her something about her pocketbook and then lunged at her. He hit her in the stomach with his fist and repeatedly beat her "black and blue". Residents of the apartment building, hearing her screams, came to her assistance, finding her in a semi-conscious state. When she had fallen to the pavement, she re-injured three ribs which had been broken in a recent fall. The man was described as white, 25 to 30 years old, and talking with a Southern drawl, with brushed back, dark hair and a pimpled face. Most of the money she had collected for the children's party had been provided by law enforcement personnel and Congressman Hamilton Jones.
In West Kingston, R.I., Christmas decorations which had been arranged by a woman for a wayside waiting room of the New Haven Railroad station had been stolen.
In Baltimore, a would-be bandit who had entered a grocery store the previous night became so nervous and shook so violently that his revolver had come apart in his hand and its lone bullet had fallen to the floor, at which point he had fallen to his hands and knees to retrieve the bullet, allowing the proprietor, a woman, to charge him with a butcher knife, at which point he fled without any money or any of the parts of his gun, including the single bullet.
In Asheville, the Elk Mountain forest fire of the previous month had caused a State forest service ranger to lose his fingers and thumbs, as revealed by doctors this date, after he had received second and third degree burns in the fire of October 28, as he lay with flames lapping over him for about five minutes before rescuers could reach his location.
On the editorial page, "Gifted Child Needs Attention, Too" tells of educators taking the attitude toward "exceptional" children taken by Humpty Dumpty, that a word would mean whatever he chose it to mean. It suggests that use of the word was perhaps a euphemism for "deficient" or "retarded" or "backward", replete with their negative connotations. It chooses not to argue that point, except to indicate that the public school system had tended to orient itself around the lowest common denominator among students, with instruction aimed at the average child, leftover energy being devoted to the backward child.
It indicates that the Special Education Conference, being held in Raleigh during the week, had scheduled six major sessions on the training of children with handicaps of one form or another, with the "gifted" child, who also merited special attention, having been given half billing in the final session, which was a clinical discussion on "Education of Gifted and Non-Gifted Children".
Thomas Jefferson had seen the problem of public education differently, wishing to have the predominant private education system of the time supplemented by a system of public schools designed to give all children a basic education and to prepare more gifted children for public responsibilities through additional training. Dr. Charles Sydnor had described this plan in his book, Gentleman Freeholders, a system which had never been tried in the United States. An integral part of the plan was to screen students so that only the most exceptional proceeded from grade to grade until reaching the highest level of state-supported education. Mr. Jefferson had determined that from a process of winnowing out the wheat from the chaff, 20 of the best geniuses would "be raked from the rubbish annually" and instructed, at public expense, so far as the grammar schools go, through the 11th or 12th years. After that point, there would be a third screening, the first after three years, the second after two or three more years, and the last after the final six years, to determine who would pass on to a state-supported university.
It indicates that the plan of Mr. Jefferson would find no support in the democratic 20th Century, but made the point of the desirability of affording maximum educational opportunity for those children extraordinarily endowed with alert minds and insatiable curiosity. It urges making the best of "exceptional" children as defined by educators, but also of those gifted children who were truly exceptional, "lest he be shaped in the common mold and his great potential lost to our nation".
The piece might have added that a good many morons come out of the private school system, despite all the advantages of relatively higher socio-economic background. There is certainly no magic afforded by a private school education, either at the primary and secondary levels or at the college level.
"The Crusade for Freedom" indicates that the two-year old program, which had set up 13 radio transmitters in Europe and three in Asia, to deliver radio messages communicating the truth about the United States and other Western countries, to counter Communist propaganda, was doing a fine job. The piece says that it had listened to English translations of some of the programs and liked what it heard. Communists had denounced the programs, further establishing their effectiveness.
The Voice of America sponsored similar broadcasts and did a creditable job with a modest budget. But because it was an official Government mouthpiece, its directors had to pull punches sometimes, whereas Radio Free Europe and Radio Free Asia, privately sponsored, did not suffer under such handicaps. The effectiveness of the Voice depended on Congress and the State Department, while the effectiveness of the Crusade depended upon private support from citizens. It urges contribution.
"A Lesson for All of Us" again regards the claim by Louis Parker, former head of the North Carolina American Legion, who had charged that there were instructors from Duke University who had associated with Communists, this time praising the state American Legion executive committee for the restrained but forceful reprimand it provided to Mr. Parker. It had not referred to him by name but said that his Armistice Day speech "departed from established policy of the American Legion, cast suspicion upon many loyal members of the teaching profession and one of our leading and most respected educational institutions, and … also caused serious embarrassment to the Department of North Carolina."
The editorial provides other quotes from the resolution and indicates that it was doing so because the reprimand had not received the full coverage which Mr. Parker's original speech on Armistice Day had. The Legion had stood for the principle that the Communist threat within the nation was subversive and could be combated effectively only by persons with professional training in anti-subversion. It urges those with good grounds to suspect subversive activity to report it to the FBI instead of shouting it publicly, enabling catching of subversives and avoiding needless and harmful confusion.
Actually, given that most claims of subversion were nothing more than disagreement with freedom of speech, it is better just to keep your big, fat trap shut anent "subversion", and merely argue and debate the counterpoint. If you really have anything to say, the public will regard your counterpoint with far greater enthusiasm than ad hominem attacks on people for their viewpoints. If you don't have anything of substance to argue, then that against which you are arguing must be pretty strong in its logical and factual predicates.
"Dishonesty Has a Broad Appeal" indicates that the President had placed dishonesty in government in its proper perspective in a speech at Fargo, N.D., on September 29, when he said that he knew of no one who had found a way to prevent some people from being or becoming dishonest and that if anyone had a formula, he was sure that people would pay a lot to obtain it. He pointed out that the previous year, there had been some 600 defalcations and embezzlements in the banks of the country and that one of every 300 bank officers had been found to be crooked, that the IRB had done a lot better than that record.
Recently, there had appeared an Associated Press story out of Chicago indicating that U.S. banks had formed the Bank-Share Owners Advisory League to try to reduce thefts by improvement of banking procedures and audit control, education of employees, and better insurance protection.
It indicates that there was no real point to the editorial, other than to re-emphasize the President's contention that no one had yet found a foolproof formula to prevent dishonesty. But by setting a higher tone of morality at the top and by selecting the most incorruptible bureau and agency chiefs, it suggests, President-elect Eisenhower would be able to minimize governmental corruption.
Unfortunately, however, he had already selected as his Vice-President a person who would become the most corrupt President in U.S. history—that is, until the present occupant of the White House, who, as observed elsewhere, has come to make President Nixon appear as a mere piker at corruption.
As President Nixon had the good grace and sense to do at this juncture in history, after the House Judiciary Committee voted articles of impeachment, it is time to resign, lest this idiot, when he finally leaves the White House on January 20, 2021, should expose himself to criminal prosecution by not resigning. President Nixon, a lawyer, understood that prospect only too well and found it more propitious to have his Vice-President, who would become the new President, issue him a pardon. It is time to go.
We really don't relish the idea of seeing the dummy in stripes, any more than we do the common street hustler. Get with the program, you alternative-fact morons. The American people, despite Republican couching and protests to the contrary, are solidly not on your side. We do not want a President who goes around making deals with foreign governments for the benefit of political campaigns, to obtain dirt on political opponents, dirt, in fact, which has no basis at all. You may be able, through sing-along Mitch and his compadres, to avoid removal from office by the Senate, but that does not mean that you are going to avoid indictment after your term of office is over, a fact you have overlooked in your spin of the current impeachment, that which is, along with that of President Nixon, the most justified impeachment yet in the history of the country. After all, both instances were founded on words right out of the mouths of the subjects of the impeachment.
The "smoking gun", in this
instance, is the July 25, 2019 phone call summary, itself. It has to be coupled with some background facts, established in the House Intelligence Committee beyond any reasonable doubt, also by quite direct evidence, to provide the full context of the impounding of the aid just prior to the call, and the months of prior work on the matter to lay the groundwork for establishing the exchange of the aid, previously authorized by Congress, for political favors. The very
idea that the case for impeachment is only founded on circumstantial evidence is ludicrous,
the more so that it is only "hearsay"
Republicans, during the impeachment hearings, have been wont to say that the effort of Democrats is to undo an election in which "63 million people" voted for the current White House occupant, neglecting to point out that 66 million people in that election voted for former Secretary of State Clinton, and that the "election" was only by dint of the long-outmoded electoral college, designed by the Founders as an elitist institution, that of selectmen, to overturn the popular will in cases of election by the people of someone deemed unfit for office, a concept long ago abandoned by the states, in adopting loyalty oaths mandating that electors follow the popular plurality of the given state. To the contrary, the effort on the part of the White House, in directing all personnel not to cooperate with House subpoenas for documents and testimony, and on the part of the Republicans in the Congress thus far is to undermine the 2018 election results in which the majority of the people elected a Democratic House, with full knowledge of the possibility of impeachment looming. It is time for Republicans to wake up and stop living in never-never land and realize that there will come another day, very possibly as soon as 2021, when Democrats will not only return to the White House but also to control of the Senate. Unstonewall your minds.
Thwarting the clear majority will of the American people, expressed both in the 2018 election and in the most recent polling—noting that the Politico poll showing a nine-point preference for impeachment and removal is that with the largest sample and the least margin of error at two points, Quinnipiac having a margin of 2.5 and Monmouth, 3.3, Quinnipiac also showing a 51 to 42 advantage for Joe Biden over Donald Trump, pretty much consistent with all of the major polls, and Monmouth showing a 53 to 46 percent preference for either impeachment and removal or at least an inquiry into impeachment—, is never wise. Trying to suggest that the will of the American people is other than it actually is, likewise, is not a prudent thing to do for the long-run.
Well, now, smawty-pants, let's just see what them polls tell a week or so from now, after they's had a chance to digest all that there from that there Congressman from Georgie, 'cause he's smawt. We done learnt this week and last some newfangled words, from the ranking minority member of the Judishiairy Comitee: "solemnmenity", as in the "solemnmenity of this Comitee's policies and procedures", which he done sed three times in a row, so's we know he knows what he's talkin' 'bout, and that it wa'n't just a spooneristic twist o' the tung, momentarily out o' his mind, then come back in 'ere; "degregatin'", as in "we're degregatin' the Ucrane President for bein' an actor and politishun"; and a new use of "perspective", as in "the Ucrane aid money was for perspective use, not current use", as in when you got your perspective money on a losin' horse, you better get prospective fast, 'fore it loses and takes your whole party down with it. T'other day, he done also said, "We've went down this road before," with Rusha, and that "the American people is" tired of it. The American people is tired of a lot of things, and down 'ere in his district, most of 'em prob'ly is tired of most ever'thing, includin' itse'f. But he's a smawrt guy 'cause he done went to law skuul, though we done read it hain't no more got fully accredidated 'cause of routeen failyer to keep up with the ABA standerds. He's a smawrt guy tho, 'cause he's one o' them who talks good and fast, so's ye cain't understand about half of what he's sayin'. That's a good tekneek, tho, for gettin' by 'cause nobody can catch ye, 'cause ever'body's sayin', "What did he just say?" and by then, well, he's already done by ye, by-by, done went on down the road that nobody's went down before, where the King don't speak no English.
They say he was a preecher for a few years somewhar. Bet the debil was scared stiff o' him, 'cause he's the only one could understand what the hell he was sayin' 'bout half the time as he don't make sense most of the time, too. That's why they say, "What the devil is he sayin'?"
Preecher, culd you please explain what "solemnmenity" meens, 'cause the folks here, well, they ain't never taught that word over at the skuul. "Degregating", yeah, 'cause they done said that four or five times, prob'ly, watergatin', alongside the segregatin', not bein' degregatin', ye know, 'cause they's relegatin' ye with all the relegashuns.
What we dun herd tho from all them Republikans in all that talk is that the King is good, by the will on high, the solemnmenity of the right of devinity, and so he can do whatever the hell he wants when he please, and to hell with the devil and all them relegashuns and degregatin' of the solemnmenities.
Just wait until them new polls come out. Humpety-Dumpety.
Drew Pearson tells of a recent report sent to President-elect Eisenhower from the British, opposing expansion of the Korean War, prompted by a report that there was consideration ongoing of a blockade of the Chinese ports and Air Force intruder missions in Manchuria. Prime Minister Winston Churchill was furiously adamant against it. The reasons for the opposition were not set forth in detail, but were well known both in the Pentagon and by the President-elect and his appointed Cabinet members. The British feared that a blockade of Chinese ports would finish their sizable trade with China and bring an abrupt termination of their 99-year lease on Hong Kong, which still had 40 years remaining. The communication was partly for exploratory purposes so that the President-elect would have all points of view during his Pacific trip. It represented an alternative to the MacArthur plan for ending the war, which the new President had to consider.
President Truman had invited every member of his Cabinet who had ever served under him, except two, to his farewell dinner the previous week, with the guest of honor having been Governor Stevenson. Secretary of Defense Robert Lovett remarked that it appeared to him as the Lord's farewell supper. The guests included former Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson and former Attorney General Howard McGrath, both fired by the President.
But he had not included in the invitations former Secretary of State and now Governor of South Carolina James Byrnes and former Secretary of the Interior Julius Krug, the latter having recommended to the President the advice of Bernard Baruch, who had subsequently broken with the President. And, of course, Governor Byrnes had endorsed General Eisenhower for the presidency during the campaign and had already broken with the Administration regarding states' rights versus civil rights.
After the dinner, the President proposed a toast to the "best Cabinet anyone could have". He then made a brief speech about the future, indicating that the atomic age was just beginning, an age which would bring forth new miracles, stating that he wished he could live for another 50 years and that he could live his whole life over again, provided he could have his wife and daughter live it with him. Chief Justice Fred Vinson then made a speech in tribute to the President, pointing out that his critics seldom saw things in proper perspective, but that historians would, predicting that historians would give the President his "great place in history".
And, largely, they have.
Gerald W. Johnson, "from a recent telecast", states that he had become convinced a long time earlier that the country would never be destroyed by conventional weapons, that enemies had tried poison gas and liquid fire, but had never gotten anywhere as the country could dish out what it received and more. But, as he read the speeches of members of Congress and statements issued by high officials, along with statements of eminent columnists, he was afraid that the country might be slain with the jawbone of an ass, as with the Philistines who had tangled with Samson.
He indicates that the lawyer who had worked for the U.N. Secretariat and jumped out a window recently, had been driven to suicide by Senator Pat McCarran and his Internal Security Committee's investigation of purported American subversives on the Secretariat staff—though Secretary-General Trygve Lie had assured that the lawyer in question was not under investigation. Mr. Johnson observes that the man had worked desperately for years to keep the peace and that when he saw his whole life's effort about to be undone by his own countrymen, it was no wonder that he had gone over the edge. That was all because 20 out of some 3,000 Americans hired by the U.N. might be or may have been once Communists. That, however, did not mean that they were Communist spies. That, indeed, made no sense as the Russians needed no spies at the U.N., as it was a member, itself, thus in position to obtain information on matters through official channels. Mr. Johnson therefore cannot understand why Russia would hire 20 American amateurs when it had highly trained professional staff personnel of its own.
Nevertheless, Senators McCarran and Willis Smith of North Carolina had suggested that the U.N. be denied American hospitality if it employed Americans not approved by the two Senators, prompting Communists to tell Europe that the Americans would make some excuse to decamp. That was not helpful to General Matthew Ridgway, supreme commander of NATO, seeking to hold the European army together. Thus, though the Russians had not fired a shot, the jawbones of Senators McCarran and Smith might dissolve the army before any shot was needed.
In addition, there had been an uproar because some seamen in the Pacific had written letters home regarding the detonation of the hydrogen bomb at Eniwetok on November 2, and were apparently going to be taken up on charges as a result by the Navy. He believed that sailors were people and that the Government could not assemble 10,000 people, demonstrate to them a spectacular event and hope that all would maintain secrecy. Anyone who did not understand that, he asserts, was not fit to be an admiral or on the Atomic Energy Commission. More than a year earlier, the President had stated publicly that he had instructed the country's scientists to go ahead with development of the hydrogen bomb if they could, hoping that it would cause the Russians to stop and think. If the scientists had succeeded, that was all the more reason to make the fact public. And if there had been no detonation of the hydrogen bomb, then there was no reason not to disclose that fact as well. The hydrogen bomb had been built as a deterrent weapon, not to drop on people. But if the Russians did not know about it, it could not serve as a deterrent.
An officer who marked a document "Top Secret" which anyone could buy at the nearest bookstore was "a silly ass, no matter how high he stood at Annapolis or West Point". Secrecy was disliked by the public for the best reasons as it could be used to cover up incompetence as easily as to protect vital information. The confidence in the country and its leadership was damaged both by those who talked too much and by those who talked too little. "The jawbone of an ass is a fearful thing, whether it is flapping loose, or bound by lockjaw." He advises therefore to look out for the weapon of Samsom as it was the only one which was likely to get the country in the end.
Frederick C. Othman states that in the Wall Street Journal there was an advertisement of a house for sale in Georgetown "by a Democrat", providing a description and then setting the price at $100,000. The ad had been placed by Congressman Thurmond Chatham of North Carolina, an old friend of Mr. Othman. Mr. Chatham was moving to a larger home, that previously occupied by the late former Secretary of Defense James Forrestal—as previously pointed out by Drew Pearson.
But he indicates that he was convinced that there were more poor politicians than rich ones, as a member of President-elect Eisenhower's staff had asked him to keep an eye open for as many furnished houses as possible in Washington, renting at $175 per month or less. He assures that there were likely no such houses available, as rental properties and apartments generally were scarce. The problem was that many of the people in the current Administration were also lawyers and planned to stay on in Washington after their jobs ended, and so Republicans would find it hard to find places to live.
A real estate dealer had told him that there were plenty of houses available, but at unconscionable prices. He had said that the real estate market was stagnant, perhaps because Republicans were not as rich as people assumed and that those wishing to sell their homes might not receive more than they were worth, which Mr. Othman concludes would serve them right.
Robert C. Ruark indicates that though he never admired Eleanor Roosevelt's prose or some of her activities, he advises President-elect Eisenhower to keep her on in some capacity, perhaps in a position at the U.N., as she was still called the First Lady of the World by millions of people both in the U.S. and abroad, and had insights into the Soviets. She would also serve to keep the memory of FDR alive, something important to hundreds of millions of people at home and abroad. He indicates that he was never a great fan of FDR either, especially in his later years, but his memory still carried weight with many.
Mrs. Roosevelt, he indicates, had charm and a kind of magic when speaking to people of most colors, whether or not they understood her. She was a voice of conscience, always indicating that something must be done, and the fact, he indicates, that nothing much of lasting value was done, was beside the point. The country would have more friends as long as Eleanor Roosevelt remained in the public eye than would be the case if she were retired from semi-official office. He concludes that the world had grown accustomed for 20 years to the impact of Mrs. Roosevelt and that there was room for her with the Republicans, too.
Your condescending attitude aside, Mrs. Roosevelt will have something to say about that.
Framed Edition
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