The Charlotte News

Wednesday, January 9, 1952

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Don Huth, that the Communist negotiators in Korea had submitted a new counter-proposal agreeing to all allied terms for supervision of the armistice, except a ban on construction of airfields, a proposal which was immediately rejected by the allies. In submitting the counter-proposal, the Communists had accused the U.S. of imperialism and world domination. The U.N. command stated, in a radio broadcast from Tokyo, that the Communist delegates represented "only a small clique of power-mad masters in the Kremlin". Both that subcommittee and the subcommittee on prisoners of war would meet again on Thursday.

In Paris, the U.N. political committee rejected the Russian demand for a high-level Security Council meeting immediately to take up the Korean truce negotiations, but agreed to such a meeting when it would become useful. The vote on rejection was 40 to 6, with 11 abstentions.

In the ground war, South Korean troops killed an estimated thousand Chinese troops near the Panmunjom truce-talks site, in the war's heaviest fighting in six weeks. The South Koreans had to give up two small hills west of Korangpo when the enemy hurled about 4,000 troops into the battle of Sasi Bulge, which had been ongoing since December 28. Since that battle had begun, according to an Eighth Army briefing officer, 3,076 Communists had been killed, 852 wounded and 10 captured, while allied losses had been "much lighter". A new fight had broken out during the early morning darkness near Heartbreak Ridge on the eastern front, as an attacking enemy platoon pushed a U.N. unit out of an advance position, which the allies then recaptured in a counter-attack.

In the air war, fighter-bombers destroyed or damaged ten locomotives and about 150 rail cars during the night. Pilots reported a decrease in enemy truck traffic.

The President addressed a joint session of Congress this date to deliver his State of the Union message, proposing that Congress join him in an election year armistice on "political fights", which could endanger the national interest at a time when the world walked "in the shadow of a third world war". He left open the question of how much, if any, new increase in taxes he would seek in his economic and budget messages yet to be delivered to Congress, but said that the country had to have high taxes over the ensuing few years, "shared among the people as fairly as possible". Since the outbreak of the war in June, 1950, Congress had voted three tax bills totaling 15.6 billion dollars, making the total tax bill 63.7 billion for the current fiscal year. The total was expected to rise another three billion dollars in the ensuing fiscal year. The President asked for only those Fair Deal measures which would "contribute most to defense". He included his civil rights proposals among those essential measures and urged that they be brought to a vote. He also said that he would propose in the coming weeks an increase in the armed forces, which now totaled nearly 3.5 million men. He warned that the military demands for steel, aluminum, copper, nickel and other scarce materials would necessitate sharp cutbacks in civilian goods during the ensuing two years of peak defense production.

The Defense Production Administration announced that production of most household goods, such as televisions, radios, refrigerators, electric irons and other such appliances, would be cut to forty percent of the pre-Korean War levels during the second quarter of the year, ten percent below presently permitted levels. Construction of new houses would be curtailed from the present rate of 850,000 per year to 660,000. Automobile production would be reduced by at least seven percent below the present rate. The agency allowed manufacturers of automobiles enough copper and aluminum to produce 800,000 cars and enough steel to produce 900,000 during the quarter.

A piece on the front page by Drew Pearson provides the results of the first three meetings between the President and Prime Minister Churchill and their staffs, the most important decision on which there had been agreement having been that the U.S. would supply Britain with a million tons of steel during 1952, in return for which, Britain would divert 65,000 tons of tin to the U.S. market. Both had agreed to abandon the feud regarding the British versus the American high-speed automatic rifle, as neither country was in a position to put the gun into production, and so would rely on the war-tested U.S. Garand M-1. Both had agreed to reaffirm their sponsorship of the proposed Middle East defense pact, which would include the U.S., Britain, France and Turkey. They both agreed to seek the additional support of Egypt and other Arab states. No decision had yet been reached on the selection of a naval commander to head the combined Anglo-American forces in the Atlantic and it was doubtful that such a decision would be reached in this conference. Mr. Churchill had told the President that the British did not intend to withdraw their recognition of Communist China, even though they did not approve of the Government of Mao Tse-Tung. The President said that the U.S. did not approve of Chiang Kai-shek's regime in Formosa, but had no intention of withdrawing support for it.

In Egypt, two British soldiers, one an officer, had been killed this date in a fight between British troops and Egyptian guerrillas, six miles west of the Royal Air Force base near the Suez Canal. A British spokesman said that there were several other casualties within the British forces.

Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois, a Democrat, asserted, in an interview following a radio broadcast with Senator Alexander Wiley of Wisconsin on ABC's "America's Town Meeting of the Air", that if the Republicans nominated General Eisenhower for the presidency, the Democrats ought to do likewise, to assure getting a much better Congress. He said that if the Republicans nominated the General and he then won, there would be a danger that he would carry into office a large number of Congressmen who would later oppose him, whereas if both parties nominated him, there would be much more selective voting for members of Congress.

Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., of Massachusetts said that he believed there was still room for General Eisenhower to return to civilian life before the Republican convention the following July. He supposed that the Eisenhower campaign would parallel that of the late Wendell Willkie in 1940 when he garnered the nomination at the convention.

Senator Taft, meanwhile, released an active itinerary for the coming several months preceding the convention.

On Camiguin Island in the Philippines, 20,000 refugees from the Hibok-Hibok volcano eruption of December 6 were reported on the verge of starvation after they had not received rice rations since the prior Sunday.

Off England, high waves threatened to end the towing operation of the stricken American freighter, Flying Enterprise, while its Captain, Kurt Carlsen, continued to defy the high seas after 13 days since the freighter was crippled by the worst storm in the area in 50 years. The freighter had broken loose from its tug and was being smashed by the seas 30 miles from the English coast, as Captain Carlsen and his lone assistant on board attempted to make fast a new line. The Enterprise was sinking a little bit every hour and at times appeared to be in danger of capsizing.

On the editorial page, "Of Straw or Sticks" recalls the story of the three little pigs and the ultimate fate of the big, bad wolf, indicating that brick houses were stronger than houses of straw and sticks, that the four-year-old of the household, upon hearing the story, had brought a new twist to the story by suggesting that the first pig had gone back and built his house of straw again, and, likewise, the second pig, recapitulated with his sticks. The young one had said that the wolf would, nevertheless, not bother those two pigs again because he had learned his lesson. It suggests that he had unwittingly pointed out the basic weakness of U.S. defense preparedness during the Twentieth Century, that after each major crisis, the country had tended to revert to straw and sticks in the naïve hope that the crisis, once met, would not recur.

The Alsops had indicated in their column that there was grave danger of cuts in defense spending for the following year, which would cut deeply into the defense muscle. Pressure for such cuts was coming from the Budget Bureau and from members of Congress in an election year. Both parties wanted to trim the increasing Federal budget to avoid new taxes and new deficits, especially at a time when the heavy fighting in Korea had reached a lull and General Eisenhower was making slow progress in building European defenses, as the Soviets appeared to be in hibernation.

It finds that the defense program could stand trimming somewhat, as the goals set during the height of the Korean War had been higher than had proved necessary, and there was room for far more efficiency in the defense establishment. But trimming of the defense and foreign aid budgets had to be undertaken cautiously to avoid crippling the armed forces to the point that they would be unable to guarantee the nation's security. It suggests that millions could be saved in non-defense expenditures, provided Congress had the courage to follow the leadership of such Senators as Paul Douglas and Harry F. Byrd. It favors this approach initially over cutting unduly into defense spending.

But that, while the favorite bugaboo of conservatives, was less than ten percent of the budget. And, of course, through time, it will get much worse as weapons systems become increasingly more sophisticated and expensive, and as certain Congressional districts in the country become addicted to the prosperity brought on by defense contracts, providing them with their monthly defense welfare checks—even long after the end of the Cold War, necessitating a new bogey-man in the form of Tourists, and Walls to keep them out.

"TV and Segregation" tells of Governor Herman Talmadge of Georgia, in his political newspaper, "the ill-named Statesman", having charged that some national television shows had violated the spirit of the South's segregation laws by presenting both black and white actors performing and conversing together "on a purely social, equal basis". He had referenced the Arthur Godfrey, Ken Murray and Clifton Fadiman shows, and urged that the public "turn their own resentment individually toward the products which sponsor such shows".

It indicates that the usual counter-arguments held true, that "a lot of unsegregated white, black, brown and yellow men are acting and dying together, in defense of Governor Talmadge and the rest of us, in Korea", and that such statements would be used by the Communists throughout the world to provoke hatred against the U.S. The Governor's statements also suggested that some state administrations were incapable of dealing justly with interracial issues.

It concludes that, fortunately, for the Governor and his kind, viewers could always turn off the television set if they did not like the programming, but that, "unfortunately, there is no such button on Talmadge."

Well, for all that, we would come to admire Mr. Talmadge as Senator during the Senate Watergate hearings of the summer of 1973, when his deftly folksy penetration of the Nixonian type of "democracy" enabled us to forget and forgive his segregationist past, in favor of preservation of the Constitution's carefully arranged balance of powers and the criminal laws preventing burglary and bugging of political enemies for the sake of establishing a divine right of kings in this country.

For all of the faults to be found with any segregationist of the 1950's and onward, Governor Talmadge and his like were not the exponents of poisonous, divisive bile in the stream of American politics, as would become Governor George Wallace of Alabama and Governor Lester Maddox of Georgia, for instance, in the 1960's. The less strident and divisive rather stood on the Constitutional notion of states' rights, as set forth in the Tenth Amendment, versus too much Federal control of local activities, a position with which we disagree, especially as it concerned the right to education, the right to vote, equal employment opportunity and equal access to public facilities, as the Tenth Amendment was plainly clarified and limited by the post-Civil War Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause and extension of Federal rights to the states, including the right to education, as implicitly recognized by the Ninth Amendment and common sense and experience in the administration of public school facilities by the states and localities, but which contra argument was at least stated in a more eloquent and reasoned manner than by the bile-spewers, the race-baiters, who were happy to stimulate riots in the streets, even political assassinations, to have their way politically for the sole purpose of achieving and maintaining power within their fiefdoms, utilizing the divide-and-conquer mentality.

Much occurred, obviously, too, in the interim between 1952 and 1973 which convinced some of the former segregationists of the unreality and atavistic aspects of their former positions and the need therefore to re-examine and modify their positions to accord with more modern conceptions of justice and fairness in the conduct of the country's affairs, leaving behind the outmoded and failed concepts of separate-but-equal, which had never materialized in 58 years of trial and had only resulted in a bitterly divided society.

Not everything can be divided along lines of black and white, especially as it relates to the past, and so seeking to parse matters will quickly lead to hopeless confusion, precisely what the plantation masters desire, that they might divide and conquer.

"The Troubles of Headline Writers" tells of an editorial problem for newspaper headline writers in fitting the desired headline into the space allotted, observing that the newspaper's telegraph editor had settled on Monday for "Ike Would Accept GOP Nomination", as the headline for the story on the General's indication of acceptance of the nomination by the Republican convention, were it to come to him without campaigning for it, and then placing the remainder of the story in the overline, "Announces He Is a Republican". It surveys the headline treatment of the story by other newspapers in the area, including the Statesville Daily, the Concord Tribune, the Hendersonville Times-News, the Twin City Sentinel in Winston-Salem, etc.

It indicates that it did not know what it proved, but found it interesting.

Whatever ticks your clock on an obviously slow news day.

"We're Back to Normalcy" finds that after a yawning respite of critical news stories during the holidays, things had returned to normal, as Congress returned to session, Prime Minister Churchill arrived in the U.S. for a visit with the President, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., announced that General Eisenhower's name would be placed on the ballot in the New Hampshire GOP primary, General Eisenhower made his statement, Senator Kefauver "greased his bandwagon-wheels" for the Democratic nomination, and the President issued his annual messages. The trend continued abroad, as another Government fell in France.

A piece from the New York Herald-Tribune, titled "Effective Advertisement", favors the proposal to place a red stamp for a year on the front and rear windows of cars of convicted reckless drivers, as suggested in a regional conference on highway safety by the commissioner of the New Jersey Department of Banking & Insurance. The safe driver, according to the proposal, would be entitled to a green stamp.

It regards such a red stamp to be a kind of "red badge of cop-baiting courage" and advocates revocation of the reckless driver's license after a second such conviction. It finds the branding justified, based on the number of people being killed on the highways by reckless driving and cites an example of a 15-year old of Leonard, Michigan, who was left orphaned, with the responsibility of heading his family of ten younger brothers and sisters, after teenage drivers had killed their parents.

Drew Pearson tells of resigned chief IRB counsel Charles Oliphant having testified to Congress that Senator Styles Bridges of New Hampshire had called upon him, through Henry Grunewald, a mutual friend, sometime in 1949 to fix a tax case for a liquor dealer in Baltimore. Republican Senators had now uncovered the fact that Senator Bridges, who had emerged as the GOP leader in the Senate, replacing the deceased Senator Kenneth Wherry of Nebraska, had made a speech on the Senate floor in late September, 1949, urging a pay increase of $4,000 per year for "good old Charlie Oliphant"—at the very time he was seeking lenience for the Baltimore liquor dealer, who owed some seven million dollars in back taxes.

Prime Minister Churchill's entourage had been alarmed by the emergence of isolationism in certain sections of the country, finding that it compared to the type of sentiment which preceded the attack on Pearl Harbor, when the country was torn between isolationism and internationalism. Mr. Pearson notes that such appeared to be borne out by the column's informal poll of Republican candidates, according to which Senator Taft had the greatest strength in the traditionally isolationist Midwest, while General Eisenhower enjoyed his greatest strength in New England, the South and the West Coast. He indicates that his postcard poll was still continuing.

Harry McDonald, head of the Securities and Exchange Commission, to become the first Republican head of the RFC since the Democrats had come to power in 1933, could be counted upon to continue the sound administration started by Stuart Symington. As SEC head, Mr. McDonald had advised Republican members of the RFC not to approve the controversial Texmass loan, because the company did not have a clean bill of health from the SEC.

Former Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins, presently on the Civil Service Commission, had been given credit for getting former Senator Hiram Bingham of Connecticut appointed as chairman of the Loyalty Board, despite his being the only man in recent Senate history castigated by an official Senate resolution, for letting a Connecticut Manufacturers Association lobbyist sit in on secret tariff hearings.

The Associated Press summarizes editorial reaction to the statement on Monday by General Eisenhower that he would accept the Republican nomination if chosen as the nominee by the convention, but would not actively seek it. Some had greeted the announcement with unqualified approval while others had been sharply critical, as others reserved judgment based on the fact that most of the General's positions on domestic and some foreign issues remained unknown. Yet others were generally neutral. Out of a cross-section of daily newspapers in the country, 24 were for General Eisenhower and nine were for Senator Taft for the GOP nomination.

The Independent-Republican Kansas City Star gave its support for the General, as did the Hutchinson (Kan.) News-Herald, but the Portland (Me.) Press-Herald said that it would continue to support Senator Taft, although expressing approval of the General's announcement. The Independent-Republican Charleston (W. Va.) Daily Mail announced its support for Senator Taft.

The most critical reaction to the announcement came from the Chicago Tribune and the Washington Times-Herald and similar editorials, declaring that the General's foreign policy would only continue the course of the current Administration and that his whole career had been achieved through "New Deal patronage", finding further that the "global meddlers" knew that the President could no longer carry on his foreign policy as he could not be elected again, so were "transferring the cause to another agent". The Cleveland Plain Dealer found that the General's decision to avoid a campaign for the nomination would deprive Republicans of any opportunity to hear how he stood on issues, and endorsed Senator Taft as having the best claim on the nomination.

Among the newspapers endorsing the General were the Independent-Republican New York Herald-Tribune, which found his statement pointing "straight to victory", and the New York Times, which found his announcement "the best news the new year could possibly bring". Both indicated their support for the General in the general election, should he achieve the nomination.

It next provides excerpts from several pro-Eisenhower editorials, from the Independent Providence (R. I.) Journal-Bulletin, the Independent St. Louis Globe-Democrat, the Minneapolis Tribune, the Kansas City Star, the Portland Oregonian, the Milwaukee Journal, and the Republican-Independent Indianapolis Star.

Among the newspapers taking a neutral stand were the Hearst Newspapers, wanting more clarification of his domestic and foreign policy stands, the Columbus (O.) Dispatch, stating that he had great advantages over the others in the race who would have to expose their views to the opposition, the Baltimore Sun, indicating that the "popular faith in this man can roll along unimpeded", the Independent-Democratic Boston Post, stating that when the fight for the Republican nomination was over, the party would be badly split and that the General had no political experience and no platform to offer, could not criticize the President's foreign policy as he had been an emissary of it in Europe during the previous year. The Republican Boston Herald indicated that he was a "candidate with a refreshing freedom from the atmosphere of politics", while the Independent Boston Globe stated that he would now have powerful personal influence in Europe as a potential U.S. President. The Salt Lake City Tribune stated that he would be opposed by some for his internationalism and that his prime weakness was that he was a military man, that many thoughtful Americans would "want to know more about his program before following the bandwagon". The Newark Star-Ledger suggested that his candidacy would create an inter-party debate aroused by Senator Taft and perhaps by General MacArthur. The New York Daily News reserved judgment until his stands were known on such important matters as the welfare state, unchecked Government spending and sky-rocketing taxes, finding that he was clearly Europe-first on foreign policy.

A letter writer responds to a letter of January 4, which had bemoaned the fact that the Republican Party in the South was impotent, agrees with some of its points, finding that the wishes of Southern Republicans were often ignored by Northern Republicans, "although not more so than are those of the Southern Democrats by their Northern brethren". He thinks there was no need for a primary to take the place of the present convention system of choosing the candidates and believes the prior writer had erred when characterizing all Southern Republican leaders and candidates as mediocre. He finds the true weakness of the Southern Republican Party to be "too many chiefs and medicine men and not enough Indians", as exampled by the letter writer and his own party record.

He says that the prior writer, contrary to the impression which he had given, had only once organized his own precinct with more than a paper organization, and that in 1944, was unable to vote because he had neglected to transfer his registration to the new precinct where he had moved.

A letter writer from Huntersville praises the same letter, finding that the writer had hit the nail on the head.

Another letter writer from Huntersville indicates that the local Jaycees had made Christmas merry for the patients at the Sanatorium, of whom he was one, with their presentation of entertainment, consisting of Genial Gene and his Queen City Gospel Singers, along with a choir from the Tabernacle ARP Church. Jimmy Dean was master of ceremonies and also in the group had been Joe Hutchinson.

He thanks several individuals and businesses for providing fruit, candy, gum, nuts, and other such favors. The Jaycees were also going to pay for repairs on the Sanatorium's radio system, which would be much appreciated.

A letter from a captain stationed at Fort Bragg comments on a column written the previous week by Hal Boyle, which he had found "cheap, vulgar and unfair to all decent people." It had dealt with the shortage of husbands and the methods single women should use to secure a spouse, and to the writer, it had been "sickening". His wife had read the article and became quite upset at the apparent fact that there were predatory females roaming the country trying to entice husbands away from their spouses. She was even contemplating divorce as her only alternative. He asks that the newspaper forward the letter to Mr. Boyle in the hope that in the future he would write on more salutary subjects.

It appears obvious that the problem in the household was a mutual lack of any sense of humor at all.

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