The Charlotte News

Saturday, September 29, 1951

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Communists, through Communist Chinese radio, had asserted that the U.S. had wrecked the Kaesong ceasefire talks and was preparing amphibious landings on both coasts of North Korea. The broadcasts still did not mention General Matthew Ridgway's proposal on Thursday to move the talks from Kaesong to another location six miles to the southeast. It claimed that the Americans had trained five more divisions in Japan, intended to drive the Communist forces to the Yalu River and bomb Communist bases in northeast China.

Allied warplanes conducted pre-dawn attacks on an estimated 1,000 enemy vehicles. A cold, steady rain during the day prevented air action and nearly all ground action. By noon, the clouds were so low that it looked like dusk.

On Friday, the U.N. troops had recaptured a strategic hill southeast of Kumsong, following a heavy two-day battle in which more than 700 enemy soldiers were killed. The allies had been driven from the hill early Friday morning but then counterattacked and recaptured it 12 hours later. Allied aircraft had flown 907 sorties on Friday.

The Defense Department announced that 55,900 draftees would be called up in November and December and that expansion of the Marine Corps call-up beyond its present two divisions was underway.

In London and in Tehran, it was reported that the British would take the Iranian oil nationalization dispute before the U.N. Security Council the following week. Iran's Premier Mohammed Mossadegh would argue the case for Iran, and Sir Gladwyn Jebb, the lead British negotiator during earlier talks mediated by Averell Harriman, for the British. The immediate issue was whether Iran would carry out its plan to evict the 300 British technicians at the Abadan refinery. The British wanted Iran to adhere to the recommendation of the International Court of Justice at The Hague that neither side in the dispute take an irrevocable action pending a final decision on the merits of the case. Iran had boycotted the court case.

In Buenos Aires, El Presidente Juan Peron of Argentina announced the resignation of his naval minister, less than 24 hours after he announced that an attempted revolt by two generals had been put down and an assassination attempt against him and his wife, thwarted. A new law by the Congress enabled him to execute any armed forces officers accused by his administration of starting a civil war.

The Senate the previous night completed action on its version of the tax measure, with the final vote being 57 to 19. It would raise approximately 1.75 billion dollars less in revenue than the House measure. Confreres would begin trying to reconcile the two bills the following week.

DNC chairman William Boyle agreed to provide the Senate Investigating subcommittee full access to his income tax returns. A reporter from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, who had testified the previous day, had stated that two very reliable sources had provided him the information on which he based the published accusation that Mr. Boyle had accepted $8,000 from the St. Louis printing firm which had received an RFC loan, rather than the $1,250 which Mr. Boyle claimed was the limit of his receipt of fees, the entirety of which had been a legal retainer for his representation of the firm, having nothing to do with the RFC loan. The reporter continued to refuse to identify the two sources, but would do his best to induce both to come before the subcommittee. He suggested that the subcommittee scrutinize the printing firm's records to determine whether they had been altered. The subcommittee also indicated that it had subpoenaed Mr. Boyle's bank account records.

Another Gallup poll appears, presenting results of how respondents viewed the ability of the major political parties to handle pressing national problems. The sample gave a slight advantage to the Republicans as having the best ideas for handling high prices, but to the Democrats as being able to do the best job of keeping the country prosperous and as better to have in power in the event of a downturn in the economy. The majority of farmers believed the Democrats served their interests better than the Republicans. Even the 30 percent of farmers who identified as Republicans believed the Democrats served their interests better. Respondents saw neither party as being more or less likely to involve the country in a world war. The sample, by a 2 to 1 margin, said that the Democrats were doing a better job of getting their ideas to the voters. Even among Republicans, the belief was that Democrats were outsmarting the Republican leadership. Forty-eight percent of those polled said that they did not know what the Republicans stood for, and 44 percent answered the same regarding Democrats. Among those who could provide an answer, the largest response for the Democrats was that they stood for the common man while the largest response for the Republicans was that they stood for the rich and privileged.

In a partially truncated story, the town of Frederick, Md., finally made its last payment of $20,000 against a $200,000 ransom paid by five local banks to the Confederates under the command of General Jubal Early 87 years earlier to keep the Rebels from burning the town. The banks had been reimbursed and the town had taken over the obligation. On three prior occasions, Maryland Congressmen had attempted to get the Federal Government to assume the debt as the payment of the ransom had protected Union Army stores at the time, but had failed.

On the editorial page, "For Better Health…" finds that the UNC Division of Health Affairs, the new medical sciences center at the University discussed on the front page the previous day, was a departure from the traditional medical school, as it integrated five health disciplines, medicine, pharmacy, public health, dentistry, and nursing, allowing each field to intercommunicate with the others. It finds that it provided potential for health care service to the state which was only a dream at present.

"Billie Boyle and Trumanism" tells of DNC chairman William Boyle being guilty of a serious deficiency in ethics, even if he was ultimately cleared of peddling influence by acceptance of a fee from the St. Louis printing firm which obtained an RFC loan. He had accepted eight legal cases dealing with the Government while serving as acting chairman. The printing firm was equally or more culpable, it suggests, for having dispensed gifts of cameras, television sets, turkeys, oranges, perfume, hams and free vacations to those who they believed could grease the wheels of influence for them in Washington.

It finds one of the most disturbing parts of the entire morass to be the defense of such influence-peddling by the President and other members of the Administration. When Mr. Boyle had sold his law practice to another attorney, the clients remained with that second attorney, suggesting that they were still getting the influence from Mr. Boyle for which they had paid as his clients.

It concludes that the President and his lieutenants would find it difficult to balance their many positive achievements against this one factor. "Trumanism is coming home to roost."

"Irish Unity" tells of Congressman John Fogarty of County Kent, Rhode Island, having introduced a bill which resolved that it was the sense of the House that the Republic of Ireland embrace the entire territory of Ireland unless a clear majority of the people, in a free plebiscite, determined to the contrary. The bill was then referred to the Foreign Affairs Committee, which recommended that it pass, and Committee member Mike Mansfield of Montana had drafted the favorable report. The Committee included members from New York and from Missouri who were of Irish heritage. It wonders whether it would have any impact on Ireland, any more than a foreign country recommending that the U.S. and Canada unite, but concludes that it was a way to get County Kent, Butte, Montana, Flatbush Avenue in Brooklyn, and County Shannon in Missouri together.

A piece of from the Baltimore Evening Sun, titled "An Enterprising Salesman at Work", tells of a British shoe salesman setting off for Africa in a truck and trailer which carried his shoe store, a shoeshine parlor, motion picture equipment and a public address system prepared to speak in many different dialects. He wanted to convince the natives that it was easier to walk through brush and jungle in shoes than to go barefooted.

It does not know whether the natives would reject the idea as effete, based on the salesman's attempt to convince them that all the better people wore shoes, but suggests to the salesman that if it worked, a big business might develop in the collar and necktie trades as well.

A squib from the Green Bay (Wis.) Gazette tells of the Childcraft books positing that infants used sounds naturally from Russian, French, Chinese, and even some languages from the South Sea Islands, but soon learned to imitate the language which he or she heard every day.

Those books were orange. (See page 52, Vol. 11, with the image on the cover of the mother teaching her child to walk, which you may borrow at the Internet Archive)

Drew Pearson discusses the smear campaign being waged against General Eisenhower to keep him from winning the presidential race in 1952, starting in Maine. The Partisan Republicans of California had printed a letter which was mailed to all members of the Maine Republican Committee by the Republican state chairman, originated in the home of Senator Owen Brewster, a primary proponent of Senator Taft for the nomination. The same letter also attacked Governor Earl Warren of California and former Governor Harold Stassen of Minnesota, stating that the Communists and New Dealers were trying to impose one of the three men on the Republicans as the nominee in 1952. It had pointed out that Joseph Stalin had pinned a medal on General Eisenhower during the war, which, though a fact, ignored the additional facts that Russia and America each had decorated several prominent officers of the other nation for their aid in the wartime alliance. It made other references just as vague, trying to link General Eisenhower to Communists and Russia. Mr. Pearson points out that the General was the chief target of Communist propaganda in Europe, that the Communists also had given Senator Joseph McCarthy a boost in his primary campaign in Wisconsin, and that Senator Brewster had given his personal authorization for sending out this anti-Eisenhower literature.

Navy Commander John Floyd, conference director for the Secretary of Defense, set the itinerary and invitations to the Defense Departments joint orientation conferences, and had one of the most desirable jobs in the Pentagon because many of the guests provided him with nice gifts after their visits.

Two Senators had received free switchblade knives from the sample case of a manufacturer, the Schrade-Waldon Cutlery Corp., whose president had begged the Senators not to outlaw switchblades. Senator Olin Johnston of South Carolina had asked the president of the company whether he had a switchblade with him, at which time he produced his sample case full of knives, whereupon Senator Johnston asked that he pass a few out among the Senators. Senator Herman Welker said that he needed a good pocketknife. The president of the company gladly obliged.

Marquis Childs tells of the announcement by the Air Force of the development of a new guided missile having stirred the imagination of the public into Buck Rogers conjurations of fantasy, brought back down to earth by new Secretary of Defense Robert Lovett at his first press conference. The new weapon was far from perfected, and could, under changes in atmospheric conditions, be easily thrown off course and rendered virtually useless as a strategic weapon. It was quite enough of a headache for the Department of Defense to produce 50 or 60 billion dollars worth of conventional weapons. A Walker Bulldog tank, for instance, being assembled in Detroit, required 1,400 subcontractors to make its component parts and those contractors in turn passed along contracts to 6,000 sub-subcontractors.

As weapons became more sophisticated, the price went up. A heavy bomber which had cost $680,000 in World War II now cost 3.5 million and weighed more than twice as much.

At the recent NATO conference in Ottawa, there was a lot of discussion on who was to pay for what and where. Twenty-one airfields were to be built with American money and mostly American materials in France, but 28 percent was added to the cost by import duties and taxes. American funds were also going into new communications systems in France sufficient to carry all messages during a war. Title to the system was to be provided to the French Government and under one proposal, it would lease part of it back to NATO headquarters. The taxes and import duties and the rental proposition were eliminated at the Ottawa conference, but only after a dramatic session in which a representative of one of the smaller European powers had inquired as to whether his colleagues were really interested in freedom or only in percentages of freedom.

Stewart Alsop, in Paris, provides two contrasting incidents in the French Army, to provide both the promising and not so promising sides of the picture with respect to their preparedness for war. The first incident had taken place in the sergeants' mess of an army barracks, in which about a dozen French non-com's were gathered around a table, whereupon Mr. Alsop began to ask questions about such matters as the dangers of war, the threat of Soviet aggression, American foreign policy and French Communism. The French soldiers provided a few noncommittal answers out of politeness, but then relapsed into self-conscious silence, apparently because they had never really thought much about these matters. French soldiers appeared not to consider too much politics, but they nevertheless lived in the same society as civilians.

The second episode took place in a small factory in Paris where Mr. Alsop had spent an afternoon talking with the workers, five out of six of whom were women and only one of whom was a Communist. Yet they all spoke in virtual unison regarding the effectiveness of Soviet propaganda, stating that the Russians wanted nothing except peace and could not see therefore why France should be called again to prepare for another terrible war, which, they believed, came from the desire of the American rich to obtain huge war profits. They hoped that if there was a war, it would affect Americans directly this time, though hoping in the end that America would win as they valued freedom. They did not like that Americans talked only about armament, whereas one could not eat a cannon.

He concludes that while France was visibly capable of producing a good army made up of good soldiers, an army could not be more than an expression of the nation which produced it. With the current deep slashes in economic aid in mind, General Eisenhower had been telling visitors that the military potential of France was indivisible, and could not be measured in divisions alone. Mr. Alsop observes that the stronger the West became, the more the insecurity of all Frenchmen diminished.

Tom Schlesinger of The News, in his weekly Capital Roundup, tells of Senator Clyde Hoey having decided, at long last, to provide the farmer his due recognition by establishing a National Farmers' Day on the first Saturday in August. The bill had been referred to the Judiciary Committee, and had its genesis from the half-century friendship between Senator Hoey and Clarence Poe of Raleigh, editor of The Progressive Farmer. Senator Hoey had been publisher of the Shelby Star and had attended press meetings with Mr. Poe in that earlier time.

The Senate's vote of 69 to 9 to override the President's veto of the bill giving pension increases to about 24,000 veterans with non-service connected disabilities had separated the men from the boys desiring economy in the Government. The nine Senators who had voted against the override were Harry F. Byrd, Paul Douglas, Allen Ellender, J. William Fulbright, Guy Gillette, Joseph O'Mahoney, Willis Robertson, and Republicans Homer Ferguson and James Duff. Senator Willis Smith of North Carolina was absent but it was understood that he would have voted to override, as had Senator Hoey.

Congressman Robert Doughton of North Carolina was the oldest member of the House, at age 87. No one was willing to predict when he might retire. When asked by one reporter when he might run for governor, he responded, "In 1963, maybe." Mr. Schlesinger remarks that he would turn 100 on November 7, 1963.

That could not have happened, as gubernatorial elections were in the same year as the presidential elections. He was not telling the truth.

Senator Hoey, as chairman of the Investigating subcommittee looking into influence-peddling by both DNC chairman William Boyle and RNC chairman Guy Gabrielson, had scoffed at the claim by Mr. Gabrielson that the committee was trying to smear him while hiding other things in the Truman Administration. Senator Hoey responded that the charges against Mr. Gabrielson had originated from Republicans in the Senate and not Democrats.

Senator Hoey had responded to Drew Pearson's claim that he had a "big income" by saying that the claim was absurd, that he had some investments which did not match his salary as a Senator, and had never accumulated any wealth along the way.

The entire North Carolina Congressional delegation had been among the 101 Congressmen who urged cotton growers to hold their 1951 crop off the market for a better price, charged by the president of the Farm Labor Union as being an action which sought "to wreck the national economy". The group had stressed that cotton farmers had produced a record crop in 1951, but the price had declined at a time when costs of cotton production were the highest in history, and the move was designed to bring back 40-cent cotton, whereas the current price was at about 35 cents per pound.

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