The Charlotte News

Wednesday, May 24, 1950

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that U.N. Secretary-General Trygve Lie, having completed talks with Government leaders in London, Paris, and Moscow, stated that possibilities existed to reduce the tensions in the cold war and ultimately to bring it to an end.

British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin stated that Communist China, which Britain had recognized, should have a seat at the U.N. France was reported willing not to veto the seating of Communist China in place of the Nationalists.

In Germany, American, British, and French military police began intensified patrol of West Berlin's principal road link to the West through East Germany, as a preliminary alert in preparation for the expected Whitsuntide march of a half million young Communists from East Berlin into the Western sectors of the city during the coming weekend. The East German Government had warned that regular traffic on the autobahn into the city would be subject to a 36-mile detour to allow convoys of youth unrestricted movement, starting the following day. The Western powers said they would not tolerate interference with Western government vehicles; military police were under orders to ignore any highway commands of the East German police but were instructed to follow the commands, under protest, of Soviet troops. Communist spokesmen had said repeatedly that the demonstrations would be confined to the Eastern sector.

In Philadelphia, a biochemist of Russian descent, Harry Gold, was held on $100,000 bond after being charged in Federal court with receiving atomic secrets from Dr. Klaus Fuchs, the British atomic scientist who had admitted providing secret documents from the British and American atomic programs to Russian agents between 1944 and 1947 and had been convicted under the British official secrets act.

In London, Field Marshal Lord Wavell, 67, hero of World War II in North Africa against the Italians, died, three weeks after undergoing abdominal surgery. His victories had turned the tide temporarily for the British in 1940 and 1941 in North Africa, driving the Italian armies from Egypt and clearing much of Cirenaica. After the German forces under Erwin Rommel struck back against the British gains, Lord Wavell was transferred to India where he became Viceroy. He had been a lover of poetry and edited an anthology of verse, Other Men's Flowers, which received wide acclaim when published in 1944. He favored setting lively verses to music as opposed to the "dark, obscure, discordant mutterings" which passed for poetry in those times. He was also elected governor of the Shakespeare Memorial Theater at Stratford-on-Avon. He had stated in 1949 during a visit in Canada that Germany remained the prime threat on the world stage, that Russia was merely "loitering with intent" whereas Germany stood convicted.

The President made a series of appointments after 16 of his 21 submitted reorganization plans became law this date. He named Maj. General Philip Fleming to be Undersecretary of Commerce, created a new Maritime Board to replace the disbanded 14-year old Maritime Commission, appointed his old friend Mon Wallgren as head of the FPC, former Senator James Mead of New York as chairman of the FTC, and Harry McDonald as chairman of the SEC.

The House was expected this date to extend the draft for two years, with inductions on standby subject to further Congressional approval. The bill prohibited 18-year olds from enlisting. It enabled the President, upon declaration of a national emergency, to order all military reservists to active duty for 21 months, with 18-year olds excused at their own request.

In Guilford, Maine, a woman and three small children, two of whom belonged to the woman, died in a house fire. Neighbors saved two other children and a third ran to safety, all without injury.

A privately owned seaplane crashed in Charlotte and burst into flames during the afternoon, injuring at least six persons aboard.

In Raleigh, Governor Kerr Scott acknowledged that he had once asked Willis Smith to run for governor in 1948, before Mr. Scott had decided to run and at a time before he knew that Mr. Smith would challenge the policies of both the State and Federal Government. Mr. Smith had made the claim at a campaign event. Governor Scott, who had appointed Frank Graham to the Senate in March, 1949 in the wake of the death of J. Melville Broughton, was wholeheartedly supporting Senator Graham in the May 27 primary.

Congressman John Kerr of the North Carolina Second District sent a telegram stating that he favored Senator Graham in the coming primary, not Willis Smith as reported the previous Saturday by Tom Schlesinger of The News in his weekly column on the editorial page. Mr. Kerr had been reported as the only member of the North Carolina delegation supporting Mr. Smith.

This night, candidates for State and local offices would be afforded five minutes each to make statements before an assembled audience at the Mecklenburg County Courthouse in Charlotte. Be there on time. No one will be admitted after the first reel.

The City Council began consideration of a proposal for a 6.5 million dollar bond election to provide funds for a new auditorium, railroad crossing program, and water and sewer expansion.

As pictured, in Cambridge, Mass., two motorists contesting for a parking spot engaged in fisticuffs as a passerby paid no heed to the fracas. One of the men busted the windshield of the other's car but the owner refused to press charges after he was able to secure the parking spot.

We trust that they were not Harvard students.

On the editorial page, "Running Forward Backwards" finds that the action by the House Ways & Means Committee recommending a reduction in the capital gains tax from 25 to 16 percent sounded fine on its face, until it was realized that the maximum holding period of investments to qualify for the lower rate was three months, meaning that it only applied to speculators. Thus, the reduction, the stated purpose of which was to stimulate investment, in fact only stimulated speculation.

The Committee also recommended having corporations withhold ten percent of dividend payments for taxes, also a disincentive to investment.

It therefore concludes that the Committee was proceeding in a backward manner if it wanted to stimulate investment.

"Reform Finds Tough Sledding" reports that of the 21 reorganization plans submitted by the President, five had been rejected by the Senate and the remainder allowed to pass into law. But it finds that since the Hoover Commission which made the recommendations for streamlining the executive branch had been nonpartisan, a greater percentage of passage was expected. The President would have a chance to try again the following year, and it was to be hoped that the new Congress would bow to public opinion and not reject any reorganization plans which conformed to the Commission findings.

It remarks again that the reorganization of the NLRB, eliminating the general counsel, defeated by the Senate, was not recommended by the Hoover Commission, a statement contrary to the assertion the prior week of Drew Pearson.

"The Non-Voting American" urges the qualified electorate to vote in the Saturday primary election, cites statistics compiled in Ohio showing that 18 percent of physicians and 22 percent of their wives had not voted, and so on down a list of normally civic minded professions and organizations.

"Skipper Brown's New Job" tells of Captain William Brown, formerly skipper of the U.S.S. Missouri, which had run aground off Norfolk earlier in the year with Captain Brown in command, having been reassigned to command a submarine squadron of the "mothball fleet". It finds that Captain Brown would not find it hard to keep such a fleet off the sandbars.

A piece from the Greensboro Daily News, titled "Our Kind of Justice", finds that the U.S. Supreme Court, in denying review of the murder convictions and sentences to death of Bennie and Lloyd Ray Daniels for the murder of William Benjamin O'Neal in February, 1949, to have recognized that North Carolina's system of justice, while not perfect, was also non-discriminatory in its application. Certain Communist-leaning organizations, it finds, had urged the Court to accept review of the Daniels case on the basis that they had not received fair trials.

It only means that no four Justices were in favor of granting a hearing.

In the matter, the appellants' counsel had not properly served the case on appeal within the time allotted by rule and statute, though effort was made in that regard, and so the appellants were precluded from doing so, effectively denying any direct appeal—an outrage in any case after trial, let alone in a death penalty case. The North Carolina Supreme Court, in November, 1949, after denying recognition of the appeal, which cited two grounds, a coerced confession and systematic exclusion of black citizens from the jury panel, both acknowledged Constitutional issues, stated that the appellants could petition the trial court for a writ of error coram nobis, akin to habeas corpus but with greater limitations on what may be raised, through which extraneous evidence not available at trial on fundamental issues going to the validity of the proceeding could be presented, provided that the appellants fell within the legal ambit of that remedy—thereby, with a moment's consideration, foredooming the petition.

The Court then subsequently considered the application for leave to file the petition and denied it for want of making a prima facie showing of a substantial issue as required under the procedure and otherwise failing to fall within its requirements.

The appellants then filed the petition for writ of certiorari with the Supreme Court, as discussed in the editorial, which was denied without opinion on May 8.

This date, the State Supreme Court again considered the case, upon a new application to file in the trial court a petition for writ of error coram nobis, asserting other alleged errors at the trial, holding that the petition was not cognizable as it did not raise matters extraneous to the record of the original trial, instead only presenting matters which had been adjudicated during the course of the trial, thus not in order under coram nobis procedure.

Subsequently, the U.S. Supreme Court did grant a petition for writ of certiorari, decided in 1953, following denial in Federal District Court of a petition for writ of habeas corpus, based on the same grounds raised in the State Supreme Court in the first petition for writ of error coram nobis, the allegation of a coerced confession and systematic exclusion of blacks from the jury panel. A previous evidentiary hearing, ordered pursuant to the Federal habeas corpus petition, conducted in the trial court on these issues, had determined that they had no merit. The Supreme Court held 6 to 3, designating the Daniels case "No. 20" in the opinion, that the lack of timely appeal precluded habeas corpus relief as it could not substitute for the direct appeal, once it was terminated under North Carolina appellate procedure.

Justices Hugo Black and William O. Douglas dissented, and Justice Felix Frankfurter, joined by the other two dissenters, filed a second dissent, finding that there was ample evidence in the record adduced below to show that there had been systematic exclusion of blacks from the jury venire in Pitt County where the case was tried, in contravention of Due Process, Equal Protection, and the Sixth Amendment. The dissents provide considerably more detail on the failure to serve the original direct appeal timely than the other opinions in the matter. They found it anomalous that the majority provided a second review of two companion cases provided an appeal by the North Carolina Supreme Court on this issue and denied review in the Daniels case where the State had heard no appeal. They found the majority to have bound the writ of habeas corpus within artificially rigid constraints, thereby working to ignore the denial to petitioners of a fair trial, and would have reversed.

The Daniels brothers were executed on November 6, 1953.

It is unlikely that such a scenario could repeat under modern rules of procedure, allowing for several methods of service on appeal, including electronic service, and providing for habeas corpus proceedings for ineffective assistance of appellate counsel if a direct appeal were terminated by fault of the appellate attorney. Typically, jurisdictions in modern times provide liberal extensions of time when sought for filing appellate briefs in criminal cases, though failure to file timely notice of appeal may act jurisdictionally to terminate the appeal. North Carolina has a mine field of procedures for filing appeals, requiring settlement of the trial record at the initiation of the appellant, and byzantine intricacies too numerous to name, threatening to deny due process, if not doing so in fact, certainly not comporting with the streamlined, straightforward methods of other states, such as California, which only require, within a certain time after receipt of the completed record from the trial court, filing and service of an appellant's opening brief, both in civil and criminal appeals, there being no necessity for the appellant to prepare a preliminary statement of issues and proposed record, as under Appellate Rules 9 and 11 in North Carolina, with particular inclusions required, absent strict compliance with which an appeal will be dismissed.

This result in the Daniels case took place in the same time period when Monroe Medlin was executed, December 9, 1949, without any meaningful appeal, following his murder conviction in Charlotte for the killing of Mrs. E. O. Anderson in the Myers Park neighborhood the prior August 1. In that instance, the appellate counsel sent to the Supreme Court a no-issue brief, outrageous in a capital case or any felony case following a trial, requiring the Court to undertake its own review of the record for error, which obviously would have been necessarily, for the press of time, cursory. The Court found no error, and Mr. Medlin was executed for a killing he committed, but under circumstances which may have saved him from the death penalty, via imperfect self-defense, had he been represented by competent counsel.

Perhaps, that appellate attorney and the appellate attorney originally representing the Daniels brothers should have been executed at one time along with or in lieu of their clients, to make the point. The Daniels brothers did not receive any meaningful appeal, less so than even did Mr. Medlin, even if the State Supreme Court did in March, 1950 indicate in the Daniels case that it had performed a review of the record and found no error and the Federal District Court did later order the evidentiary hearing before the trial court on the issues of the coerced confession and systematic exclusion of blacks from the jury pool. For, based on the dissenting opinions, the U.S. Supreme Court might have reversed in the Daniels case because of systematic exclusion had it not been for the fact, as determined by the majority, that the failure properly to perfect the State appeal had cut off the availability of habeas corpus relief on issues which could have been raised on appeal.

If half as much time were spent and attention focused on correcting these outrageous problems of appellate procedure, which persist, and have for decades, in North Carolina, as has been exhausted of late on bathrooms for perhaps three or four dozen people in the state, the system of justice in North Carolina would be mightily improved. But go ahead and chase nonsense for the sake of distraction and getting your faces on television, because it makes national boob news, until you are giddy with exultation.

Drew Pearson tells of Congressman J. M. Combs of Texas having upbraided the House Ways & Means Committee for reducing the capital gains tax from 25 percent to 16 percent, giving a tax break to Wall Street investors at the expense of the low to moderate income taxpayer. Representative Walter Lynch of New York had argued that the reduction would stimulate investments and thus business, the usual supply-side economics rationale. Mr. Combs begged to differ, saying it would only trigger a quicker turnover of securities by stock speculators.

Mr. Pearson notes that Mr. Combs had run against Congressman Martin Dies of HUAC in 1944 and won.

It was well known that General Eisenhower was the favorite of many Republicans for the nomination for the presidency in 1952. Such wealthy wielders of influence in the party as Tom Watson of IBM were behind him. The General, however, had long sought to keep his political affiliation secret. His original registration as a young man in Kansas before going to West Point was as a Democrat. But he had stopped his wife, Mamie, from registering with a party the previous year.

Senator Ed Johnson of Colorado argued that too much economizing was bad for popular government, that the Government existed to serve the people, not to be an agent of economy. He argued that the Government was not as a private business and that the argument consistently accepted by the people that it ought to be so run ignored the basic principles of government. He urged that the American people had to understand the kind of cake hidden under the "pretty frosting" of economy, essentially a dictatorship run on principles of efficiency.

Congresswoman Frances Bolton of Ohio arranged for a publicity photo of Republican guests gathered to listen to the retort of Senator Taft to the President's recent Chicago speech. But when the radio was turned on, Robert Nathan of CIO was heard praising the President's cross-country whistle-stop tour. Mr. Pearson suggests that it was lucky it was not a sound picture.

The President had campaigned for Senator Wayne Morse, at the request of the Senator, when he passed through Oregon, at Baker.

RNC chairman Guy Gabrielson was not pleased with the publicity which Vic Johnston, hired by Senator Owen Brewster, had attracted while shadowing the President to make sure his non-political tour, partially at taxpayer expense, was not overly political.

Robert C. Ruark tells of having made $12 per week in Washington in 1936 and been able comfortably to live on it. He was able to buy a full multi-course meal for 75 cents at Mr. Livera's, including three-quarters of a pint of Dago Red and dessert plus coffee. A dime tip was considered generous. In 1938, he could get a very nice meal for 45 cents in a quiet subterranean restaurant. He had even owned a house and driven a Dodge coupe.

The last of the nickel exchange for services had been the pay phone, about to be raised to a dime in New York. It stood as a symbol of one hundred percent inflation from a dozen years earlier.

A new house cost twice as much and an old one was worth half as much. The same car now cost twice the money.

Sandwiches, once a nickel, cost 50 cents, a milkshake, a quarter, while tips of a dime brought sneers.

The persons who got hit the worst were the small wage earners, from whom the majority of the money in the country came.

R. F. Beasley, in a piece from the Monroe Journal, finds the smear campaign as run by Congressman George Smathers against Senator Claude Pepper in Florida recently, at least to be an advance over the pistol dueling of old.

The last duel in the country had been fought in 1880 between Col. William Shannon of Camden, S.C., and Col. E.B.C. Cash of Cheraw, won by the latter, albeit not about politics. It had wrecked Col. Cash's fortunes as completely as had the most notorious duel in American history destroyed Aaron Burr after he killed Alexander Hamilton in 1804.

The present form of dueling in political campaigns rarely regarded personal character but rather associations, friendships with alleged Communists. Recently, the London Economist had remarked that in such a milieu as that created by Senator McCarthy, even Winston Churchill, for his association during the war with Stalin and attending conferences with Communists, could be deemed a Communist sympathizer.

The method was now being employed against Senator Frank Graham by Willis Smith. The Chapel Hill Weekly had protested the distribution by the Smith campaign of a book by John T. Flynn making an absurd case against Senator Graham for Communist sympathies, every bit as ridiculous as that suggested facetiously for Mr. Churchill. Mr. Flynn, according to the Weekly, might have been a member of the German-American Bund as his record during the war showed sympathy for Hitler, denouncing in 1940 the William Allen White committee seeking to help the Allies. He had written articles for the pro-German Scribner's Commentators, opposed Lend-Lease, wanted Secretary of War Henry Stimson and Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox fired, and wound up praised by Father Coughlin's organ and that of the German-American Bund. Before the end of the war, he published a pamphlet claiming that the Japanese were pleading for peace in 1941 and that the blame for Pearl Harbor rested with the American Government, specifically President Roosevelt, supposedly trying to foist the blame on Admiral Husband Kimmel and General Walter Short, the military commanders at Pearl Harbor at the time of the attack—a pamphlet apparently distributed initially in America in October, 1944 in the hope of influencing the election between FDR and Governor Thomas Dewey.

If he were around today, he would have a hit program on Fox News. He utilized a technique popular among his ilk, casting the New Deal or any form of government stimulus to the economy in terms of totalitarianism leading to Fascism, the corporate syndicalism of Mussolini, the diametric opposite of the facts, by way of decrying American involvement in World War II as hastening the manifestation of this process, the while spewing anti-American propaganda, effectively favoring the dictatorships of Europe and Japan during the war.

In February, 1941, for instance, with Britain suffering regularly the onslaught of Nazi air raids and Poland, the Balkans, France, Belgium, and the Low Countries already under the Nazi bootheel, he penned a prolix monograph on the theme in The American Mercury, concluding: "There is but one way to avoid [dictatorship in America]—and that is to begin at the beginning, to begin with the imperfections of the economic system and to correct them. This we may do perhaps by making less than half the sacrifices we would have to make in a war. The way to hurry this fascist disaster upon us is to strike our already impoverished economic system the blow of war." He was fond of selling supply-side economic theory in the process, the laissez-faire of the Twenties which led to the Depression, claiming it to be the path of salvation to restore power to the people—that is, the Volkssturm.

A letter writer finds the campaign of Willis Smith appropriating the book by John T. Flynn, The Road Ahead, as discussed above by R. F. Beasley, as a means of undermining the credit of Senator Graham. The writer deems the book Fascist in its essence and asserts that it would work ultimately to bolster the campaign of Senator Graham and undermine Mr. Smith, says that Senator Graham opposed Communism and Fascism equally.

It should be noted, as indicated the previous March by Drew Pearson, that The Road Ahead was being used by the conservative N.A.M. to seek to undermine the Truman program generally.

A letter writer finds that the opposition to FEPC of Jonathan Daniels ignored the benefits which the FEPC law in New York State had produced. He finds that the Raleigh News & Observer, of which Mr. Daniels was publisher and editor, did not hire black employees and that the State was deficient in its hiring practices. Mr. Daniels had said recently in Chicago that he believed the South was making "swift progress" in racial equality and that North Carolina had led the way in equal teacher pay. He concedes that while the latter was probably true, he disagrees that swift progress was being made. He suggests in conclusion that Mr. Daniels visit New York and see its FEPC law in effect.

A letter writer thinks Republicans ought support Senator Graham in the primary as his nomination would present a clear-cut issue in the fall election.

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