Mr. Thompson was trying to obtain national recognition of his credentials, claiming to be the sole representative of Georgia Democrats. Mr. Talmadge was also carrying on his organization with an eye toward 1948. But Mr. Talmadge officially was out of the Democratic Party for his having run in the November election as a write-in candidate, against the official policy of the party, that he might then have some legitimate claim to the office in the event that his father's known failing health at the time would result in death.

The no write-in rule had been formulated to stop former Congresswoman Helen Mankin, winner of the popular raw vote in the primary of 1946 but the loser when the votes were tabulated in accordance with the county-unit weighted voting system. Ms. Mankin had considered running as a write-in candidate for the Congressional seat in the November general election.

If Mr. Talmadge and Governor Thompson in 1948 wound up conducting separate primaries, the editorial asserts, at least it might afford some semblance of a two-party system in Georgia.

The piece supports the practice, as journalists were sometimes selected for a year of study at Harvard or a month at Columbia. Ministers were similarly entitled.

Mr. Lewis was not in good standing with the UMW rank-and-file, as they had lost $900 each during the previous year because of strikes. Thus, he was demanding a ten-cents per ton royalty on coal to supply the welfare fund of the union, double that under the Government contract of a year earlier; continuation of mine safety committees; and continuation of present pay of $75 per 54-hour week, instead for a 40-hour week. These were demands which the operators would not grant, sticking to the 15 cents per hour raise granted by steel, the automotive industry, and others. But he would make the demands nevertheless to try to regain the confidence of the workers in his leadership.

He next reports from a diplomatic diary maintained at the Moscow Foreign Ministers Council meeting. It told of Secretary Marshall being shown a political cartoon by David Low of the London Evening Standard, which he liked so much that he asked Mr. Low for the original. It depicted General Marshall entering the meeting room with the other Big Four representatives, the Secretary dressed in Greek military garb.

Dinner for four at the Hotel Moscow had cost about $90.

According to the diary, future Secretary of State John Foster Dulles claimed to be wielding great influence in shaping U.S. foreign policy, but actually had no real input. He had contended that he had convinced Secretary of State Byrnes in September, 1946 to adopt his policy enunciated at Stuttgart of getting tough with Russia. But in fact, it had been then-Ambassador to Britain Averell Harriman who had been responsible for that shift in policy.

The diary recounts numerous other bits and pieces.

DDT, developed during the war to keep down malaria in the Pacific and in Italy, was turned over to farmers in 1946 to destroy bugs which fed on the potatoes, allowing for production of a bumper crop.

Many Republicans were urging Senator Arthur Vandenberg to resign from the U.N delegation as they deemed it inappropriate for him to have to take orders from a Democratic President while serving as the leader of the majority party in Congress. It had been acceptable only while the Republicans were in the minority.

Thus, Secretary Marshall first needed to shore up bipartisan support again while conveying to the Congress and the country the dangerous situation abroad. The State Department had already begun to take steps to try to improve communication with the Congress, a concern of the Republicans, displeased with aspects of the Department's Chinese and South American policies. The Secretary also had to establish a close working relationship with Congress, as important as preserving the unity of the Western powers.