Such a group of visionaries were the only ones in society still holding out hope for one world. The practical citizens believed that only through arms could another war be prevented. The group's flame therefore was weak. But being one of the few lights in the spreading darkness, characterized by fear of Russia and Russia's refusal to cooperate with the West, the piece wishes the group "Godspeed".

Present laws only permitted employers and unions to negotiate a closed shop, but did not mandate it. There were more open shops by far in North Carolina than closed shops. The closed shop prevented union-busting by the employer, and while denying "right to work" for those employees not wishing to join a union, it was difficult to see how banning it would work to the benefit ultimately of workers.

If the system had come to the point where unions had the advantage, then there was no sound argument against banning the closed shop. But if based on the success of unions in North Carolina, it was doubtful of passage, as unionization was not widespread in the state.

On Sunday, however, the Special Agent in charge took the FBI men off the case because the local law enforcement had arrested 31 men believed to have taken part in the lynching, and so found that the local authorities had the situation in hand. Few lynching investigations had ever received such energetic response.

The piece acknowledges that there could be slips between that point and trial of the defendants, but thus far, there was concerted effort being applied to arrest and prosecution, and there was no apparent need for further Federal intervention.

The piece assumes the good intentions of Dr. Dombrowski but suspects he was angling for another attempt to pass a Federal anti-lynching law. Such intervention would only be called for in the event of a failure of local law enforcement to act. It believes that Dr. Dombrowski was effectively insulting South Carolina law enforcement.

Given the outcome of the Greenville trial in May, acquittal of all 31 defendants, despite their admissions to the crime, which included inflicting deliberate torture to Mr. Earle before one of the men shot him in the head with a shotgun, it is fair to say that justice, no matter how swiftly and efficiently pursued by local authorities, is only as good as the pool of jurors ultimately sitting on a case. The same, of course, is true of Federal cases, which ultimately draw on that same pool of veniremen, a fact borne out the previous November with the acquittal in Federal Court in Columbia of Police Chief Lynwood Shull of Batesburg, S.C., for the blinding of Sgt. Isaac Woodard the previous February from a brutal baton beating inflicted by Chief Shull on Sgt. Woodard on a bus passing through Batesburg, when the driver complained that Sgt. Woodard, just honorably discharged from the Army after service during the war in the Pacific and heading home, was drunk and causing a disturbance, assertions disputed by Sgt. Woodard and several witnesses.

Some might argue, of course, that in the case of Mr. Earle, there was evidence of his connection to the killing of the cab driver for which he was under arrest when the lynch mob, consisting primarily of cab drivers, seized him from the jailer at the point of a shotgun, that there was justification therefore for their act, only avenging, in eye-for-eye fashion, the stabbing death of one of their own. That argument obviously breaks down in the premises, as substituting mob mentality and mob emotion for impartial consideration of evidence in a trial nullifies the basic American tenets of presumption of innocence and proof beyond a reasonable doubt of the guilt of the crime charged, with jury deliberations based on the evidence presented, and only on the evidence presented, concepts far more concerned with Americanism than waving either an American flag or Confederate flag over the corse of a lynched young black man for a crime he may not have in fact committed. If the populace has not the confidence in its courts to deliver justice fairly and impartially, then it needs to elect new public officials, not engage in acts of lynching and nullification of the criminality of that gross offense, undermining the entire foundations of a society.

It is always worth remembering that it was an act of mob violence which led to the lynching of Jesus Christ.

He next imparts a part of the conversation between James Roosevelt and Josef Stalin during the former's recent trip to Moscow. When Stalin asked about Anna Roosevelt, the late President's daughter who accompanied him as an assistant on his trips abroad, James Roosevelt stated that she was publishing a newspaper in Arizona but having trouble obtaining newsprint for it, at which Stalin laughed.

Robert Hannegan, following a determined effort by some White House insiders to oust him after the fall election debacle, was now reported to be as strongly entrenched as ever in his position. His assistant at the Post Office Department, Gael Sullivan, would take over as DNC chairman in six months. Mr. Hannegan had appointed Chase Going Woodhouse, former Congresswoman from Connecticut, to be the woman's director of the National Committee. Creekmore Faith had been appointed assistant director of the National Committee. All three were strong liberals and former New Dealers. Mr. Hannegan believed that by 1948, the do-nothing Republican Congress would become a lightning rod for public criticism. He was right.

Ironically, Mr. Snyder at the same time was taking away his own personal documents, mixed with official papers, which he had at the White House while director of the Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion. He had done so at the request of new director John Steelman, and had not intended any wrongdoing. Neither had Mr. Morgenthau. The problem lay in the lack of a law to determine what documents were personal to the former officeholder.

Mr. Morgenthau's primary interest was to portray FDR in a favorable light, to combat the attempts by such people as Senator Owen Brewster of Maine to tear down the late President's legacy.

The papers of President Lincoln were not due to be opened until the following July and it was rumored that Robert Todd Lincoln had burned many of his father's personal letters.

Under such circumstances, it was difficult to provide an accurate history of the presidencies.

Mr. Forrestal then arranged for newspapermen to travel to the islands for an inspection but did not include in the group the requested representative of Mr. Ickes.

Recently, two more groups, one with Secretary of Interior J. A. Krug, and the other a three-man commission selected by the Navy to study Naval administration of the islands, had departed for an inspection tour. The commission included Knowles Ryerson who was the only one of the three members who had ever been to Guam previously. During the war, he had recommended that between 1,500 and 2,000 acres on Guam, 2,500 to 3,000 acres on Tinian, and approximately 1,500 acres on Saipan, be utilized for production of green vegetables.

On Guam, only 400 acres were found suitable and the Navy began administering the program. After a year and a considerable expenditure of effort and 40 tractors, the crop yield would not pay even for the fertilizer. Yet, the program was still continuing, trying to acquire another 1,600 acres.

Mr. Ickes anticipates that Mr. Ryerson would give the Navy unquestioning approval of its administration, and he expects Mr. Krug likewise to approve the effort orchestrated by his fellow Cabinet member, Mr. Forrestal.