Saturday, September 21, 1946

The Charlotte News

Saturday, September 21, 1946

TWO EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Henry Wallace stated in his farewell comments to Department of Commerce employees that he had resigned his post as Secretary so that he could be free to continue to fight for peace as a private citizen, that party politics and serving in public office did not supersede winning the peace.

Democrats were split on the effect of the departure of Mr. Wallace, some asserting that it had united the party around one foreign policy and so would help in the fall elections, others worrying that, with labor-favorite Mr. Wallace out of the Cabinet, the CIO PAC might not campaign as hard for Congressional candidates, causing the Democrats to lose seats. Most thought that the ensuing two years would involve a bitter struggle to determine which wing of the party would gain control by 1948.

The Decontrol Board determined not to reimpose price ceilings on dairy products, despite OPA director Paul Porter favoring the return to control.

The CIO National Maritime Union members voted to end their strike and began returning to work in East Coast and Gulf Coast ports following approval by the Maritime Commission of the $5 to $10 wage hikes granted previously to AFL maritime workers. On the West Coast, the Marine Cooks and Marine Firemen remained on strike pending approval by operators of the increases.

President Truman stated that the Wage Stabilization Board would continue its role in adjustment of wages, despite its authority having been overridden by Reconversion director John Steelman in the recent settlement of the AFL maritime strike, approving the wage increases previously denied as inflationary by the WSB.

In Paris, the Peace Conference voted 7 to 7 regarding a British demand for safeguards in foreign petroleum interests in Rumania, leaving the matter undecided. The provision would have required Rumania to restore or replace the losses to Allied nationals in Rumanian oil fields and allow technical experts into the country to operate the wells. The United States had opposed the amendments.

Earlier, the Italian Political and Territorial Commission voted to accept the agreement between Austria and Italy to provide autonomy to the Tyrol, inserting it into the Italian treaty. The Slavic bloc had objected.

In Lake Success, N.Y., the U.N. sub-commission on economic reconstruction of devastated areas proposed an economic plan for restoring Europe to prosperity. The commission's report found that UNRRA had aided the war-torn countries but shortage of food, fuel, housing, manpower, and raw materials continued to hamper recovery. An economic commission was proposed to effect cooperation in the expansion and integration of economic activity in Europe. An international TVA was also proposed, along with an international housing organization. Restoration of pre-war production levels was the primary initial goal, along with coordination of the nations' economic plans.

North of Gander, Newfoundland, rescue was ongoing by small helicopter of 18 survivors of the Belgian airliner which crashed during a trans-Atlantic flight from Brussels to New York earlier in the week. Fourteen were injured. Forty-four had been aboard the ill-fated aircraft. Hilly terrain had impeded the rescue effort.

In England, a storm packing 100 mph winds struck the southern coast, killing eleven persons, battering shipping in the English Channel, and destroying thousands of acres of crops in Leicestershire and North Hampshire. It was the worst agricultural destruction in memory. The Helena Modjeska, cargo vessel loaded with food and supplies for Germany and stranded on Goodwin Sands off Deal since September 12, was destroyed by the storm.

In Tokyo, police were confident of the identity of a kidnaper who had taken twelve-year old heiress Kuniki Sumitomo. He was an escaped convict on the lam since January following conviction on another kidnapping charge, and was the kidnaper of a thirteen-year old, returned unharmed a few days earlier upon his receipt of a thousand dollars in ransom. He had escaped in the dark during the return because the child's mother became excited.

In an apparently unrelated situation, the second son of Hideki Tojo had received three threatening letters from the same person, the last of which demanded $3,000.

In Charlotte, the primary prosecution witness against the numbers racket operators and runners was missing. Carl Vann's wife stated that she did not know where her husband was, that he had packed his suitcase and left one morning the previous week saying that he could not stand to face the people downtown again. She had not heard from him since he left. Mr. Vann, a principal in the lottery operations who testified about the scheme, had received death threats for his previous testimony in Recorder's Court, which resulted in convictions of the defendants before a judge. The defendants were entitled to receive jury trials, however, in Superior Court on their appeals. In light of his testimony, Mr. Vann had been given a suspended fine and penalized only court costs for his admitted role in the butter 'n' eggs racket.

The Solicitor stated that the trials of the two alleged kingpins of the operation, slated for the following week in Superior Court, would have to be postponed until Mr. Vann could be located.

Pete McKnight reports that the Charlotte Aviation Committee challenged Eastern Airlines to prove its contention that Charlotte was not being slighted on air routes. Congressman A. L. Bulwinkle of Gastonia and James Landis of the Civil Aeronautics Board had stated that North Carolina was being slighted and urged the grant of two additional routes.

In Washington, Evalyn Walsh McLean Reynolds, 24, wife of former Senator Robert Rice Reynolds of North Carolina, was found dead in her bedroom the previous night. The family physician found her with the radio playing and a bottle of sleeping pills beside her bed. He stated that death may have been the result of an overdose of the sleeping pills. Immediate cause of death was stated as acute congestive heart failure. The doctor had called upon her to see how she was doing during her recovery from recent knee surgery. Police were still investigating.

Ms. McLean, owner of the Hope Diamond, inherited from her mother, the more famous Evalyn Walsh McLean of song and story, had been married to Senator Reynolds since summer, 1941. The Senator did not run again in 1944 after two terms in the Senate because it was apparent he could not win the Democratic nomination, won by former Governor Clyde Hoey of Shelby.

Ms. McLean had always denied the folk tale that ill fortune followed the owner of the Hope Diamond, supposedly once owned by Catherine the Great—who had died 150 years earlier, in 1796, the same year Rabbie Burns passed adown t'other side. More notably, the Carolina Blue diamond was definitely owned by Marie Antoinette, who, as we have previously noted, lost her head, and the Golden Fleece, on October 16, 1793, four days after the cornerstone was laid for the first State University in the United States, in Chapel Hill. There you are.

To whom the Hope Diamond would now pass was not reported.

On page 5-B, Emery Wister, in his column, "Between Takes", tells of the comeback planned by movie actress Virginia Dale, originally of Charlotte.

On the editorial page, "Is Any Policy Better Than Its Creators?" comments that Henry Wallace had emerged from the fiasco leading to his forced resignation with his reputation tarnished for having first returned from the meeting with the President on Wednesday announcing that he would not make further foreign policy speeches or any other speeches prior to the conclusion of the Paris Peace Conference and would not resign his post. But President Truman, having hung his good friend out on a limb, coaxed him back, then sawed it off, came out of the situation faring little better, leaving the observer with the conclusion that the President was not big enough for the job he had inherited.

Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon, liberal Republican, blamed President Truman for the bungling, though also stating that it was proper for Mr. Wallace to resign.

The difference between the Wallace statement in the September 12 Madison Square Garden speech and that of Secretary of State Byrnes on September 6 in Stuttgart was marginal and was exaggerated by the anti-Wallace faction of the Democratic Party. But Mr. Truman's inept handling of the situation, it offers, was inexcusable.

The perception was that the President took orders from Secretary Byrnes, acting as an independent authority, that Mr. Byrnes had demanded the resignation of Mr. Wallace during the Thursday conference via teletype from Paris and that the President had simply acquiesced, doing an apparent about-face from the previous day. Presumably, Mr. Byrnes had threatened to resign if Mr. Wallace was not fired.

It questions whether Mr. Byrnes, or any other one man, was capable on his own of creating a new world order. Foreign policy needed to be set by the Government acting as a whole and in conjunction with domestic policy, all approved by the people. It questions whether President Truman now had the confidence of the majority of the American people.

The record of American acts versus Russian acts, as opposed to mere words, showed that no real effort had been exerted toward working out an amicable solution to the disagreements with the Russians, and so there was nothing un-American in questioning a foreign policy which accepted the risk of war before exhausting every avenue of approach to peace.

The idea, seemingly being accepted without critical response, that getting tough was the only way to avoid war with Russia, had been underlined by the events of the previous week. The policy had not been aired in public debate but was being accepted from a group of politicians who had shown no greater competence than the "blundering Iowan they tossed overboard" the day before.

"All Hail Dear Old CCUNC" finds it pleasing that the new Charlotte Center of UNC had hired its own football coach, hopes that school spirit would prove as strong as at CCNY and UCLA. The 400 students, most veterans, who were expected to register for the first year of the overflow college, classes to be taught at the high school by local high school teachers, deserved all of the college atmosphere which might be mustered in mist and mien within the Queen City.

The first year class was as large as those not too far in the past at the Chapel Hill campus, and it was only one of several such temporary facilities around the state.

Regardless of collegial atmosphere, the students would obtain a first-rate education as the curriculum would be the same as that at the University, the teachers possessed of long experience, save those well-qualified from private industry in certain technical fields. The administration was receiving direction from the University and had demonstrated competence.

The state could take pride in these hastily arranged College Centers, makeshift as they were, but designed to provide nevertheless a college-level education to those who would otherwise have to wait.

A piece from the New York Times, titled "The Flies on Brooklyn", comments on a plague of flies which had hit Brooklyn, prompting a complaint by residents to the police. The police responded that they were already busy swatting their own, speculating that the flies had come with the hurricane. The Health Department thought them to have traveled from the north, but the Parks Department manfully declared that they may have come from the City itself because of inability of the Department to spray the trees.

Meanwhile, the hopes of the Dodgers, a game out of first place, to capture the National League pennant were fading, as the swarm of flies thickened over the City.

"Brooklyn's soul is stout. But it can stand just so much. For Flatbush these days is tottering on the brink of the screaming meemies."

Drew Pearson again comments, as he and, more thoroughly, Marquis Childs had in July, on the Justice Department report of prosecutor John Rogge, following his investigation of Nazi prisoners in Germany, including interviews with Hermann Goering. Because of its stepping on powerful toes, especially those of John L. Lewis, telling of cooperation with the Nazis prior to Pearl Harbor, there was an effort to suppress the report—which would shortly lead to the firing of Mr. Rogge because of a pair of public speeches about the report.

Also mentioned were former Senators Bennet Clark of Missouri, Gerald Nye of North Dakota, and Robert Rice Reynolds, the late Senator Ernest Lundeen of Minnesota, Senator Burton Wheeler of Montana, recently defeated for renomination, and former Congressmen Martin Sweeney of Ohio and Stephen Day of Illinois. These former members of Congress had provided speeches, perhaps unwittingly, written by Nazi agent George Sylvester Viereck, nephew of Kaiser Wilhelm, and presently serving a six-year prison sentence.

Mr. Lewis had arranged for oil producer William Rhodes Davis to go to Germany and meet with Herr Goering regarding sale of expropriated Mexican oil to Germany. Mr. Lewis had provided a letter of introduction for Mr. Davis to Vicente Lombardo Toledano, the labor leader in Mexico, enabling Mr. Davis to buy the Mexican oil with money loaned to him by the First National Bank of Boston.

A chapter of the Rogge report had also been devoted to Charles Lindbergh's America First speaking activities prior to Pearl Harbor.

President Truman had intervened to have all except one reference to Senator Wheeler deleted from the report.

He next tells of General Eisenhower attending a dinner party at which House Speaker Sam Rayburn had told a story of walking to the Senate side of the Capitol, boarding an elevator, but being unable to reach the second floor until the elevator operator had given precedence to the choices first of two Senators for the third floor and the basement, in that order, respectively. Other Senators then boarded the car and also were deposited ahead of Mr. Rayburn. He claimed to have spent the remainder of the afternoon, in fact, on that elevator. General Eisenhower responded by saying that a caste system was obviously in effect at the Capitol—referring to the complaints during the previous year by enlisted men in the Army regarding preferred treatment of officers.

Mr. Pearson then relates of the President having first approved the speech of Henry Wallace and the release of the July letter to the President from Mr. Wallace—which Mr. Pearson had printed in two parts earlier in the week. But then, 13 minutes after the press got the word of the approval of release of the letter, an instruction came from the White House to kill the story. Later came word that the President had not approved of the release, that Mr. Wallace had released it on his own. (Mr. Wallace had denied the release had come from the Commerce Department and wondered how Mr. Pearson got it, first accusing him of stealing it from Department files, then withdrawing that assertion after Mr. Pearson threatened suit for defamation, still, however, denying being responsible for its release.)

Mr. Pearson states that when the White House realized that the release might suggest the President's approval of the policy outlined in the letter, cooperation with Russia and not interfering with Russia in Eastern Europe, they had decided to lie and claim it was never approved for release, that Mr. Wallace had done so on his own.

Mr. Pearson concludes: "This columnist, whom President Roosevelt made president of the 'Chronic Liars Club,' will be glad to admit new recruits provided they pass proper qualification for membership."

Marquis Childs comments on the members of the Atomic Energy Commission, established by Congress during its closing days before the August recess for the elections, not yet having been appointed, leaving the military in control of the Oak Ridge facility. The President had stated that despite his pleading, he simply could not find good people to serve as yet in all five positions, though two had been filled. Mr. Childs states that these two men were able but not first-rate.

He suggests that rather than pleading, the President ought to command, and he would likely get better results. Mr. Truman also might seek personnel beyond Washington who had never worked in Government service.

The President's worst fault was that he did not like to offend, as revealed in his prior approval of the speech by Henry Wallace.

In another incident, he had asked John Winant, U.S. member of the U.N. Economic and Social Council, to conduct a study of the availability of atomic energy for peaceful purposes. It was believed that this instruction would overlap the authority of Bernard Baruch on the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission, which could cause foreign perception that Mr. Baruch's authority was diluted, at a time when he had gained wide acceptance for his proposal for peaceful use of atomic energy and ultimately sharing it under U.N. supervision.

Mr. Childs concludes that the President needed a coordinator in the White House with broad authority, who might suggest to the President that he should curtail his amiability.

Peter Edson thinks that the American public ought wise up on foreign policy exchanges and realize that some people, such as Henry Wallace, had a penchant for saying irritating things and dismiss the rhetoric as so much bluster—just as they dismissed the ramblings on domestic issues of Senator Theodore Bilbo and Senator Pappy Lee O'Daniel, or Congressman Clare Hoffman of Michigan, among others. But when someone made statements about foreign policy, the country became suddenly concerned.

The speech by Mr. Wallace, he suggests, was to be expected, especially as he was delivering it to a left-wing audience, giving them what they came to hear. (He says that they had hissed references to President Truman, but the reports suggested that they had hissed some of Mr. Wallace's rhetoric regarding his not being pro-Russian any more than pro-British, rather pro-American, and his placing the blame for deteriorating Russo-American relations in part on Russia.)

Mr. Edson concludes by saying that making foreign policy was not one of the functions of Mr. Wallace and he was glad of it.

A letter from a veteran thanks The News and The Observer for their stands in support of higher teacher salaries.

A letter from "Dubitante" says, among other things: "This Nation, along with the cosmopolitan area, appears headed for an era of boots and spurs. The shadow of a man on horseback falls across the horizon. It will be a change from the sure and certain ways of peace and prosperity to the shifting currents of the wild unknown.

"...It may look good now, as we do not see where the old force ends and the new begins, but as we drive away to sea the ever widening span 'twixt craft and land will set many a life boat toward the shore of realism, to find again the genius to govern ourselves."

A letter from the manager of the U.S. Employment Service states that the week of October 6-12 would be, pursuant to Congressional act, the second annual "National Employ the Physically Handicapped Week", explaining its background and purpose. There were 400,000 disabled veterans of World War I and by the end of 1947, there would be 2.5 million from World War II, plus another 500,000 from other wars. There were about three million additional physically handicapped veterans. Another 22 million non-veterans had been handicapped by industrial accidents and other causes.

The handicapped worker had proved as efficient as the non-handicapped worker and was generally superior in work habits.

A program of selective placement had worked well to match worker abilities to the jobs available and to remove the handicapped person from the status of public liability to become a productive citizen.

Herblock.

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