Site ed. Note: The front page reports that riots had resulted from the Royal Indian Navy seamen's mutiny in Bombay, the latter having control of ten small warcraft. The Bombay police chief stated that the city was in "absolute rebellion". The rioters beat, stabbed, stoned their victims, set fire to police and military vehicles, smashed store and bank windows, and looted. The death toll had reached around 50, with 250 others wounded. British soldiers, planes, and warships were hurrying toward the chaos. At Karachi, the HMIS Hindustan, a thousand-ton sloop, had been seized by mutineers, but the British fired on the vessel for 25 minutes, forcing surrender.

After opening fire on demonstrators in Cairo, the British were able to restore order following violent attacks the previous day on British military and civil offices, the attackers and demonstrators demanding withdrawal of British troops from Egypt.

More violence occurred in Palestine, with three mobile police camps having been attacked by Jews armed with guns and explosives. Three of the attackers were killed.

In Hong Kong, police fired on 300 persons, killing one Chinese.

British Indian troops repelled an attack by Indonesians in Bandoeng.

Izvestia charged in Moscow that Canadian Prime Minister MacKenzie King and British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin were seeking to use the Canadian leak of atomic secrets "to undermine the growing international authority" of the Soviet Union.

In Oslo, charges of treason against Nobel Prize winning author Knut Hamsun had been dropped because of his age, 86, and his "mental deficiencies". In 1940, he had denounced efforts by the Norwegian Government to resist the Nazis and had visited Hitler at his headquarters in 1943.

Telephone company employees, numbering 150,000, voted to go on strike March 7 should their demands not be met by that date. Another 100,000 employees of A.T. & T. indicated they would respect the picket lines.

OPA announced that meat prices would likely rise to enable the Government-recommended wage hike to packinghouse workers. The industry had been taken over by the Government to end the strike.

Milk in Detroit was still lacking as a result of the third day of the dairy workers' strike for a 20-cent per hour increase in wages. Farmers, meanwhile, had dumped thousands of gallons of milk the previous day as they had no place to which to deliver it.

The mediator in the G.M. strike stated that he expected to receive word by midnight as to whether management and the UAW had reached agreement on all disputed issues. The strike had cost an estimated 106 million dollars in wages to date. The matter of wages, down to a penny's difference, remained unresolved.

The workers needed the extra $20 per annum for the two cloth coats for the wintertime and management did not wish to provide them.

In Philadelphia, some 200 children marched in support of their fathers, on strike at Westinghouse. One sign read, "To raise me right, my daddy's on strike."

If we were management, we would strike your little behind, too, you little Commie.

George Washington Boyhood Home Restoration, Inc., a foundation formed to restore Ferry Farm on the Rappahannock across from Fredericksburg, was committing the heresy of seeking to debunk the notion that George Washington had, per the legend created by Parson Weems, literally chopped down his father's cherry tree. In truth, said the foundation, he had only barked it. That was despite the fact that the Fredericksburg Chamber of Commerce had, in 1932, placed a marker on Ferry Farm designating the particular locus of the tree.

Parson Weems, basing his story on that of a woman who was a distant relative of President Washington and had, as a girl, spent time with the Washington family, had stated that young George, age 6, had taken his new hatchet to the cherry tree, of which he could not to his father then deny when confronted with the interrogatory.

Just how the foundation determined that he had only barked the tree, other than through intuitive processes re the ordinary strength imputed to a boy age six, is not imparted on the front page. Nor do we know either how big the cherry tree was, and, we note, cherry trees tend to have slender trunks, quite susceptible, with proper determination, of being chopped down with a few hatchet blows, assuming the hatchet sharp. So, if based primarily on intuition and not documentation, we would have to conclude the foundation to be a little wet.

The silver dollar across the Potomac at Mount Vernon, unless a very narrow section, a rivulet, begins, however, to beg credulity. But we did not have to chop wood everyday to remain warm and have light at night. So, arms may have been naturally stronger in those days.

A photograph of "Washington Crossing the Delaware" by Emanuel Leutze appears on the page, with the caption remarking that the painting had grown in popular interest in recent times, after having been relegated to a back room of New York's Metropolitan Museum of Art. Despite criticism of it through the decades by historians who found it inaccurate, it had, for Washington's Birthday, been hung in the Great Hall.

Hal Boyle, still in New Delhi, tells of his hobby, staying in "'Grand Hotels'", literally. The name appeared most frequently on inns across the international landscape. He wanted to be the man who had spent more nights in the "Grand" than anyone else.

His most memorable of them was the one in Calcutta. He had been assured it was the finest hotel in the Orient, with 500 rooms and 400 Indian waiters in the dining room. As he finished his meal, he received confirmation of the assertion, as thirteen waiters stood watch as he left his tip.

An Indian had wandered into his room uninvited, seeking to provide him a haircut, shampoo, and shave. When none of those suited, he offered a massage. He told Mr. Boyle that he was too fat. The nine British officers sharing the room with him also thought it a good idea for him to have the massage and so he acquiesced, receiving a good going over as the British officers watched, cross-legged. The Indian bounced his head against the headboards like a basketball and then tied him into all the knots in the Boy Scout's handbook. At the end of the session, Mr. Boyle was shaped as a pretzel, and the masseur would not unbend him until he was paid two rupees.

When the man promised to return the following day, Mr. Boyle caught the plane to Bombay. After finding the other hotels full, he wound up staying at the Grand Hotel.

Actress Margot Grahame had gone into seclusion after going to a dude ranch near Las Vegas.

On the editorial page, "The Two-Way Road to Peace" states that future British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan likely summed the British attitude regarding Russo-British-American relations when he stated before Commons that the Big Three alliance of the war was "virtually if not formally in abeyance".

"Greetings and Salutations" comments on an abusive letter from Senator Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi to the secretary of the Southern Conference of Human Welfare, labeling the organization the number one enemy of the South. The Conference had published the letter proudly.

"The Contrast in Chapel Hill" tells of the low salaries at the University of North Carolina with instructors receiving $1,400 per year and full professors $4,500. The Trustees Visiting Committee had proposed an increase to $1,800 for instructors and as high as $6,000 for full professors.

A piece from the Louisville Courier-Journal, titled "An American Fascist", examines the career of Charleston, South Carolina native Robert Best, former American journalist interned in Germany at the outset of the war at Bad Nautheim, but refusing repatriation to the United States along with other prisoners as part of a prisoner exchange program, instead opting to become a propagandist for the Nazis, now facing charges of treason in the United States.

Drew Pearson recalls that a year earlier President Roosevelt had withdrawn the name of Henry Wallace from consideration as head of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation to go along, as had been the recent tradition, with the duties of Secretary of Commerce, the position to which he was confirmed after the agreement that he would not also lead the RFC. Yet, George Allen had been confirmed during the week as chair of the RFC with very little cross-examination or debate, and without a roll-call vote.

Marquis Childs discusses the likely inadequacy of the new wage-price formula of the Administration to meet the problems of strikes in the large industries as long as Government turned a blind eye to such matters as a recent meeting between the head of G.M. and leaders of steel, meatpacking, and other industries, the purpose of which had not been disclosed. If the large companies intended to use the strikes to break the unions, then the public had a right to know of that intent and the Congress ought inquire of the issue.

Samuel Grafton tells of the lack of coherent occupation policy by the United States in Germany, whereas the Russians were placing their efforts in cultivating leftist interests within Germany while also feeding the population in their sector and only lightly de-Nazifying. America had been led astray, he suggests, by the isolationists in combination with the well-meaning Quakers and other humanitarian groups into interpreting the Potsdam agreement, specifying that Germany would have no higher standard of living than its neighbors, to mean that it should have an equal standard, resulting in the U.S. underwriting a recovery program for Germany to the exclusion of the Allied countries in Europe.

Another pair of letters vote to keep "Mr. Breger" in the comic strips on the back page of the newspaper.

A letter offers support to the former WAC who had written a letter in complaint of her lack of employment opportunities.

A letter writer addresses one of the arguments against the FEPC bill, that it would foster a rejuvenation of miscegenation, marriage across the color line. He refers to the line of a letter of February 12 which had been sent in support of the filibuster of the FEPC bill, calling it "a real atomic": "Or would you just sit still until one day our off-springs show up to be picaninnies, or what have you?"

The present letter asserts that blacks were no longer in favor of miscegenation, as found by Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal in An American Dilemma, finding it ranked tenth among things desired by African-Americans. (The letter oversimplifies, however, the general finding, Mr. Myrdal having found the notion to be probably a function of the general white attitude at the time regarding racial inferiority of blacks, leading to a sense of black pride born of the experience that black women who had sexual relations with white men were generally cast off and not married, thus leading black opinion to reject miscegenation.)

The letter then states that if children were raised correctly, there would be no fear of miscegenation. "Besides, how would a Negro ever get into your social circle enough to have a chance to become attractive to one of the whites?" Mere equality of jobs would not so permit the enjoyment of sufficient good times together to enable love and marriage between members of different races.

In New York, which had its own version of FEPC, there remained segregation between the different ethnic groups.

He asserts that the South had more "equality" among the races than the North, as demonstrated by the greater number of complaints in Northern cities than in Southern cities when FEPC functioned as an executive committee during the war. (He neglects in this suggestion the fact that Southern cities generally had fewer war industries than those of the North, being less industrialized and therefore less equipped at the start of the war to facilitate rapid conversion of plants to war production. The wartime FEPC, not being the subject separately of legislation, created by the President pursuant to his wartime powers, was devoted exclusively to insuring equality in jobs in companies under Government war contracts.)

He concludes that the argument that miscegenation would be encouraged by the FEPC was an emotional one without basis.