While a lame duck Congressman had little influence over foreign policy, the fact of his pronouncement, when Congress itself had agreed to remain mum on foreign policy during the lame duck session, indicated the strange methods in which foreign policy was being transacted.

It was time for the American people to be told the inner secrets behind the perceived necessity for such pronouncements, if indeed it was so necessary to counter the Red scare with continued control of the Pacific islands, as the President, General MacArthur and Mr. Dulles all advocated.

It sides with the Greensboro Daily News in suggesting that the Commission ought instead seek the remedy from the FCC, its own parent organization, the only entity powerful enough to take on the country's largest private monopoly.

The amendment had passed without fanfare or great verbal support from women's organizations, unlike the suffrage movement of three decades earlier. The promises made during that movement, that political corruption would disappear when women were able to exercise the franchise, had never materialized.

Women in the jury box, it suggests, would add "feminine logic" to the state's jurisprudential deliberations. Justice would suffer no greater indignities than when Justice itself was the only woman allowed in the courthouse.

The South refused it because of fear of Federal imposition of racial integration as a condition for receipt of the funds. It was much better to keep the Southern children not educated properly than to have the races intermixing in the schools, together.

When the workers returned to the job, Parliament passed its restrictive labor legislation, making all sympathy strikes illegal, banning the use of union funds for political purposes, prohibiting primary strikes except regarding wages and hours, and holding union officials responsible for illegal strikes.

The coal strike in Britain continued from May until November and brought the collapse of the union. The miners drifted back to work, making agreements with local mine operators.

He next tells of one of Housing Expediter Wilson Wyatt's primary detractors, Joseph Meyerhoff of the National Association of Home Builders, who favored leaving the building program for veterans housing to the private sector. But Mr. Meyerhoff was busy building a shopping center in Baltimore, consuming in the process needed brick, lumber, and steel, not contributing to veterans housing.

He next indicates that Representative John McCormack of Massachusetts would be the likely Democratic Minority Leader in the House instead of Speaker Sam Rayburn, who had communicated his intent to Mr. McCormack not to run for the leadership position.

Some Southerners wanted Representative Francis Walter of Pennsylvania as leader, though he had opposed the running of natural gas through the Big Inch and Little Inch pipelines. Another possibility was statesmanlike Ewing Thomason of Texas.

But with the support of Sam Rayburn thrown behind him, it appeared that Mr. McCormack, presently the Majority Leader, would win the position.

He notes that Mr. McCormack and Congressman John Rankin of Mississippi had been bitter enemies since they had a near fist fight in the Speaker's lobby several years earlier.

At this writing, V. M. Molotov had stated that the inspections would be carried on under the Soviet proposal within the context of the Security Council, subject to the veto of any of the Big Five nations. The British therefore reacted by saying that the proposal was a fraud. Mr. Childs thinks it too hasty a judgment, that the Russian proposal might provide a foundation on which to build. For to veto an inspection would be tantamount to a declaration of war by one of the Big Five, no matter which country might exercise it. It would imply that the country had something to hide and invite counter-measures.

So, he concludes, the actual effectiveness of the veto in this instance was negligible.

The matter appeared now moot as the front page reports that the Russians had agreed to waive the veto on inspections.

He states that Bernard Baruch, on June 14, had wanted to include in his speech to the U.N. a proposal for disarmament, but had been asked not to do so as Senator Tom Connally had such a proposal of his own to present. So Mr. Baruch had limited his proposal to the need for overall disarmament, leaving the way open for the Russians to propose universal disarmament, a shrewd tactical move on their part.

Meanwhile, the scientists in the laboratories remained hard at work, impelled toward new discoveries, each of which could up the ante in the arms race.

All of the sugar which was not going to the consumer was going to industry and commercial users, each of whom, under OPA regulations, was entitled to at least half of their pre-war sugar usage.

James Farley, former Roosevelt political advisor, had gone to work for Coca-Cola and was seeking sugar from OPA for the company to make its soft drinks. The fact that Coca-Cola hired a political person to undertake this task indicated the politics involved in increasing the allotment of sugar to private companies.

In the end, the administrators at OPA forgot that the American housewife had a vote, and part of the reason that vote went to Republican candidates was that there was little sugar to be had.

Thus, combining the piece of the day before, either by Mr. Ickes or more probably Marquis Childs, which had attributed the Democratic loss in the election in part to the Republican Communist smear campaign, the electorate made its choice, in large part, on the basis of fear of Communists and absence of sugar.

Brief note to our alma mater: That was a fine win tonight, Spartans, especially as it came on the Spartans' home floor, and we offer kudos to you for it. But, we must stress that it is necessary to beat other opponents, too, not just top five teams, if one is to remain competitive. Enough said.