Thursday, November 14, 1946

The Charlotte News

Thursday, November 14, 1946

TWO EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Cuba charged before the U.N. Political Committee that the veto power on the U.N. Security Council rendered small nations "vassals and satellites" subject to a "five-power dictatorship". Australia criticized Russia for invoking the veto ten times.

Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and Secretary of State Byrnes were still at odds with V. M. Molotov's proposal at the Foreign Ministers Council meeting in New York regarding the Paris Peace treaty determinations for Trieste. Mr. Molotov wanted to alter the treaty to provide less power to the governor to be appointed by the U.N. and more power to the popularly elected governing council. The British and Americans wanted to leave the agreement of Paris undisturbed.

The Government was seeking a 60-day truce in the coal dispute to avoid a strike November 20 if the May 29 contract with the Government was not renegotiated. UMW leaders again met with Secretary of Interior J. A. Krug to try to resolve the problem.

In Washington, Preston Tucker, planning to build a new type of automobile powered by a rear-mounted engine, told reporters that he had been told by an attorney who claimed to wield influence that he could arrange for Mr. Tucker to obtain a surplus war plant in exchange for payments of several hundred thousand dollars plus $400,000 in stock in Tucker Corporation, and a job as counsel for the company plus a Tucker dealership. He stated that the attorney told him that unless he signed the agreement the same day it was presented, the National Housing Agency would begin eviction of the company from a Dodge-Chrysler plant in Chicago which Tucker was leasing. The NHA then issued such an order, that the plant be converted to production of metal housing, but it was not implemented because of opposition by the War Assets Administration. The lawyer had said that he could stall the action if Mr. Tucker signed the agreement. Mr. Tucker had not heard from him since that time and did not know whether his representations amounted to a bluff.

Also in Washington, Dr. Harlow Shapley, noted Harvard astronomer, accused Representative John Rankin of Mississippi of "Gestapo tactics" for threatening Dr. Shapley with a contempt citation after the astronomer appeared pursuant to a summons by Mr. Rankin at a closed-door session of HUAC at which Mr. Rankin was the only committee member present. Dr. Shapley said that Mr. Rankin forcibly seized from him a prepared statement and tore it in half. He also refused to allow Dr. Shapley's attorney and his secretary to remain in the room. Mr. Rankin claimed that Dr. Shapley had refused to answer questions or produce subpoenaed records of the CIO PAC and the Citizens PAC. Dr. Shapley's attorney stated that the astronomer was not a member of either organization and thus could produce no records. He had been questioned by a HUAC investigator regarding PAC activities in an election contest involving Representative Joe Martin of Massachusetts, soon to become Speaker. Dr. Shapley had refused to answer the questions.

The President would depart November 23 for a one-week vacation in Key West.

Heavy snowstorms in the Rocky Mountains threatened the sugar beet crop, 100,000 acres of which was buried under the snow. It would mean loss of 170,000 tons of already scarce sugar. According to Agriculture Department officials, if the snows were to melt soon, there would be no damage.

North of Burbank, California, a search was resumed for a crashed DC-3 which disappeared in the snow-covered mountains with eleven aboard. There was little hope that there were any survivors.

In Columbia, S.C., five people were killed and eight injured in a gas explosion which demolished a 100-foot wooden shed at the Columbia Curb Market, a block from the South Carolina Capitol. The police speculated that someone was smoking in the shed as gas was escaping.

In Charlotte, the chairman of the County Board of Commissioners recommended a study by the Institute of Government in Chapel Hill to determine the wisdom of consolidating the City and County Governments. The City Council joined in the recommendation. The four major banks in Charlotte expressed interest in consolidation but did not wish to commit to a plan until it had been independently studied.

In Berlin, a German court sentenced a seamstress to fifteen years in prison for betraying Karl Goerdler, the former Mayor of Leipzig, to the Nazis, resulting in his execution in July, 1944 for being the leader of the July 20, 1944 plot to assassinate Hitler.

In Elgin, Ill., Trixie, a champion rat killer who had dispatched 9,000 rats was killed in the line of duty while following a garbage truck on which Trixie's owner was employed. A car struck the terrier.

In Irvington, N.Y., a judge fined the Argentine delegate to the U.N. $15 after having found him, pursuant to an epistled plea, guilty of speeding at 60 mph on the Saw River Parkway, presumably seen by a policeman. He explained that he was not heedless of the visible sign of limitation, but rather had confused, in his nettled excitation, kilometers with miles per hour on his speedometer—as, no doubt, he sometimes confused flour with pour.

On the editorial page, "Just Be Patient, Boys" comments that some of Charlotte's leading citizens had expressed surprise that 1,300 veterans had lined up for 334 temporary housing units at Morris Field. The editorial thinks it not surprising at all as there had been no habitable dwellings in Charlotte available for rent during the previous year. Most could not afford to pay $15,000 to purchase a five-room bungalow.

It mocks the public treatment of the veteran as having endured so much overseas that surely he did not mind sleeping in rude quarters. And if he had not gone off to fight, he would have a place to live. Hardship, after all, builds character.

It goes on to decry the notion that removing rent controls and housing price ceilings would be a panacea for lack of rental space and housing.

After all, it concludes, it was "those radical, socialist planners in Washington" who were to blame for it all, "fellows like that dirty red, Senator Taft" trying to undermine free enterprise.

The fellows who camped out at the Information Center all night had clearly enjoyed themselves, being used to it. One veteran had a sign saying "Kilroy and Sons". It was all just a barrel of laughs.

"The Constitution Is No Refuge" tells of the chairman of the State Highway Commission favoring a State Constitutional amendment preventing highway funds from being utilized for anything other than highways, to prevent diversion of those funds to other uses.

The piece thinks the proposal fallacious as the State Constitution was no place for fiscal regulation of special interests. Such an amendment would also establish the Highway Commission as being independent of the State, acquiring more power than the Governor. Such had happened in South Carolina which had several years earlier established an independent Highway Department supported by dedicated gasoline revenue. South Carolina as a result had an excellent highway system, but at the expense of other state functions including education.

Governors Burnet Maybank and Olin Johnston had each sought to break the hold of the Highway Department on State Government and had been defeated. The chief of the Highway Department had more power than the Governor.

To use gasoline revenue exclusively for highways, it says, was tantamount to requiring liquor revenue to be used for "fur-lined gutters". The only sensible way to govern was to allow all revenues to be pooled and appropriated by the legislature and the governor based on need at any given time. North Carolina's needs went beyond roads.

The chairman of the Highway Commission admitted that the diversion statute had never resulted in drainage of all highway funds for other purposes. To propose an amendment to prevent such diversion showed a lack of faith in popular government.

A piece from the Asheville Citizen, titled "A Cycle of Criticism", finds it encouraging that perennial presidential candidate Norman Thomas of the Socialist Party had been quoted by the New York Times as saying that the South had made great strides, though coupling it with the notion that it had further to go than other regions of the country. The piece suggests it noteworthy, given the criticism of the South so often by outsiders.

Drew Pearson addresses the prospect of the Republican Congress having the opportunity to change the rules so that ability rather than seniority would determine committee chairmanships. The first test of seniority might come when Minnesota Senator Joseph Ball would attempt to become chairman of the Education & Labor Committee instead of the senior member, George Aiken of Vermont. Senator Aiken was well-qualified for the position, while Senator Ball was deemed by AFL and CIO as a friend of U.S. Steel. Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon also had a chance at the chairmanship if seniority rules were set aside.

The new National Defense Committee would be headed by Senator Chan Gurney of South Dakota based on seniority. Senator Charles Tobey of New Hampshire or Owen Brewster of Maine would be better choices as Senator Gurney was considered aligned with the military leaders.

He next tells of former Congressman Will Rogers, Jr., defeated by Senator William Knowland in the California Senate race, sending to California Attorney General Robert Kenny, defeated in the Democratic gubernatorial primary by incumbent Earl Warren, who had won both party primaries, that he wanted Mr. Kenny to "move over", to which Mr. Kenny replied that there was no more room on the "mourners' bench".

Among his Capital Chaff, Mr. Pearson reports the rumor that Senator Theodore Bilbo was suffering from cancer of the mouth. Senator Bilbo would die the following August.

DNC chairman Robert Hannegan congratulated the Republicans on their victory and stated his delight that they had established a large majority.

Three wounded G.I.'s at Walter Reed Army Hospital were selected by the wife of War Department Secretary Robert Patterson to attend the Army-Notre Dame football game the previous Saturday. They included Pfc. James O. Wilson of Winston-Salem. They were flown to New York for the game and then treated to an elaborate lunch at a Park Avenue apartment of a Wall Street financier.

He concludes by predicting no major changes in farm programs in the GOP-controlled Congress, as the Southern Democrats would remain in coalition with the Republicans. They would increase the parity price of potatoes given the surplus. Farmers had complained that they were receiving far below parity. Since most potatoes were grown in Republican Idaho and Maine, spuds would get relief. The Republicans would also organize soil conservation under one agency rather than the several agencies now administering it.

Marquis Childs comments on the first presidential press conference since the election, resembling the mood of a wake. The President read a brief statement in a thin voice, devoid of his previous sense of hope. He offered no suggestion for change of the system whenever divided government occurs, as some had proposed.

The President's advisers had been telling him that he had been doing okay and that the Democratic Party would come out of the election in good shape, with only a few seats lost in each chamber.

Mr. Truman, says Mr. Childs, was in need of a holiday to regain his perspective. He was suffering also from a nagging cold picked up in Missouri.

His intimates stated that he would focus in the ensuing two years on legislation which he knew enjoyed bipartisan support, such as consolidation of the armed forces into a Department of Common Defense—which would take place in 1947. Mr. Childs thinks the President's proposal would not go so far as originally put forth, merger under one department with one Cabinet-level secretary.

He would likely use his veto power far less than anticipated, feeling that it was not his place to try to block the program of the Republican majorities. He would likely sign a new restrictive labor bill. The President would veto the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947, though the Congress would override the veto.

The press conference had no laughs. It appeared that the President was ceding power to the Congress.

After he would recover from his cold, he would think differently about the whole idea.

Samuel Grafton examines certain dilemmas facing the new Republican Congress. First, the Republicans had been against price control during the war when it did not matter much, when times were flush. But now that postwar inflation was taking hold, it did make a difference politically who would be given the blame for ending controls. The high prices would produce a movement by labor to strike for higher wages. The Republicans would respond with anti-strike legislation. Both the strikes and the legislation to prevent them would be linked to the Republicans.

They had depended on indifference to high prices during wartime and on bitter wartime antagonism to strikes. Both of those tendencies were now dissipating.

The party had also been critical of UNRRA relief to the war-torn nations. While it was good politics during the war when food was short, there were now grain surpluses causing the politics of deprivation no longer to work, especially when that grain was being produced in the Republican Midwest. UNRRA was already scheduled to end at the end of 1946 and farmers worried of what might become of their surpluses thereafter, with farm organizations tepidly suggesting more famine relief. The chief famine areas were in Eastern Europe, under Soviet domination. So a dilemma was posed as to whether the GOP would agree to help the Republican farmers and thus help the Russians.

Given these various problems, there had to be reserve exhibited in congratulating the Republicans on their victory, lest within a few weeks or months, such congratulations might appear in jest

A letter writer objects to the new cross-town boulevard, to become Independence Boulevard, as cutting through neighborhoods and cutting off Independence Park and other preserved areas. He wonders why the highway had to traverse so many residential sections.

The editors respond that the problem was not through traffic but traffic which was plying city streets causing congestion downtown. With the cross-town boulevard, the residents of the city could proceed downtown without passing through heavily congested streets.

A letter writer wants defeated Republican Congressional candidate P. C. Burkholder to supply a view of his condition when FDR came into office, a time when cotton was at 4 cents per pound, there were no solvent banks around Charlotte, and a thousand farms were being foreclosed. Now that everything was nice again, such men as Mr. Burkholder could forget the past and condemn the New Deal, kicking the dead man who provided the new life when the nation stood at the crossroads.

The writer points out that it is human nature to detest one who helps a person through tough times.

He predicts that 80 years hence, historians would proclaim FDR as the President who saved the country from either fascist totalitarianism or proletarian commune. He hopes Mr. Burkholder prays for forgiveness.

He adds a note that FDR had brought the country so far back from the edge of the precipice that it could even afford now to vote Republican.

A letter writer says that he was gratified that George Bernard Shaw was attempting to get the British Fabian Society to assist in electing Henry Wallace as President in 1948.

He suggests that America was rich enough to afford capitalism but it would not always be so. FDR had tried to make the transition to a socialist form more palatable and Mr. Wallace would take up where the deceased President had left off. He likes what Mr. Shaw said about Henry Wallace making a good President.

Cryptically, he adds, "Get it?"

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