The only new service was the Medical Care Program, but the State was only going to foot about one-third of that bill. The program was necessary even if requiring a special levy to support it, to keep its supporters pregnant with enthusiasm.

It points out that the opposition to the new University medical school had sought to nix it on the ground of costing too much money, even utilizing the argument put forward by The News that it ought be located in Charlotte, a population center, rather than in Chapel Hill, as justification for cancellation. The editorial thinks that an absurd position. It was a cornerstone of the medical care program. The two private medical colleges, Bowman Gray in Winston-Salem and Duke in Durham, were not producing enough doctors, nurses, and technicians for the demands of the state.

Gone were the old taints associated with the corrupt years of the Grant Administration. A soldier was thus no longer necessarily excluded in the public mind from consideration as presidential material.

General MacArthur, touted for the Republican nomination in 1944, was also a prospect again in 1948. But Col. Robert McCormick, a prime backer in 1944, was looking elsewhere because of General MacArthur's age of 68.

Mr. Krock had also raised issues concerning the latter's character and fitness for the office. Hanson Baldwin of The Times had reported that General MacArthur was more a heel than hero at the fall of Corregidor in spring, 1942. And the General's imperious and arrogant tendencies had made him singularly unpopular with his soldiers.

Mr. Krock had speculated that President Truman might withdraw from the race or be forced out, leaving the Democrats seeking a candidate, with General Eisenhower or General George Marshall filling the bill. But General Marshall also was getting too old.

But Charlotte had been fortunate to have him in the first post-war season. The team broke all of its old attendance records, was on a sound financial footing as a result.

The piece concludes that even if in a minority, it was sorry to see him go.

As the information on the two tests had only gradually leaked out to the public, the brass had been anxious to hold the third test, slated to have been an underwater explosion, so that a more accurate impression of the bomb's destructive capability could be conveyed.

One example of the public misimpression was the story of Pig No. 311, which had supposedly survived the second blast and been found swimming in Bikini Lagoon. But it turned out that Pig No. 311 had been nowhere near the blast area, that the story was simply a hoax. Admiral Blandy had refused to have his picture taken with the pig, saying that it had never left the U.S.S. Burleson, the ship which transported the test animals back to Washington.

The totalitarian movements both in Russia after 1917 and in Germany after 1933 had found it impossible to eradicate all vestiges of the cooperative, but in both countries, the dictatorships succeeded in making it a part of the State. The state-controlled cooperative of Russia was sending a delegation to Zurich, but their autonomy was so negligible as to render their impact a nullity.

The once apolitical cooperatives now had been taken over in many countries by political organizations. In Czechoslovakia, for instance, the cooperatives were dominated by communists.

One of the most important delegations would be that from the United States. Cooperatives in America had doubled in number during the previous decade. Murray Lincoln of the Ohio Farm Bureau Federation had been a leader in motivating cooperation. Another leader was Howard Cowden of Kansas City, who had done much to urge cooperation in the refining and wholesaling of petroleum products. He would propose a plan at the international congress for the formation of an international oil cooperative.

Such an organization had political potential which could not be ignored. An oil cooperative might avoid the pitfalls of ruthless competition between nations for ownership of oil reserves. The State Department had proposed a plan for equal access to oil reserves by all nations, in furtherance of the principles of the Atlantic Charter and to avoid war over access to the precious resource.

The cooperative thus was a possibility which offered a practical method by which wider control of economic resources might be achieved, tailored to the needs and desires of particular areas of the world and its varying economies.

The Administration appeared to be assuming that keeping meat prices under control would prevent strikes until after the election and provide the Democrats with a better chance of retention of Congress, meat being the principal issue in the campaign.

If controls were lifted with a short supply of livestock, then prices would climb rapidly and precipitously. But if they were removed when a good supply was on hand, then the rise would not be quite so sudden and steep. The July-August glut of meat while controls were suspended left the feedlots without animals, but plenty of livestock remained on the range and farms.

Most livestock came to market in October through January and peak prices were generally reached in August and September. As the supply would go up, the prices would then fall accordingly through January. Fall bad weather and the end of grass drove the cattle off the range. A third were sent to the feedlots for three to six months for fattening. Two-thirds went directly to market.

He thinks these Southerners ought form a third party lest they find themselves voting for Henry Wallace in 1948 as the Democratic nominee, as most of labor and the liberal vote would be behind him. President Truman would be considered the conservative candidate with a tough foreign policy. Mr. Wallace would be perceived as a friend to Russia.

Chief Justice Fred Vinson might emerge, he continues, as a compromise candidate between the two. Secretary of State James Byrnes and Senator Harry F. Byrd would not be considered.

Republicans remained associated with Reconstruction and thus could never be accepted by Southerners. Yet, Southern views, especially on fiscal responsibility and free enterprise, were more simpatico with Republicans than with Democrats.

He suggests that a third party, more compatible with Jeffersonian principles, would get nowhere in 1948, would only divide the Democratic vote, but in time might pay dividends.

*Denotes story not on the front page of The News, culled from other front pages of the date.