When he pulled the remnants of his command out of Indo-China, he did so with resignation and defeat, making no alibis.

To General Stilwell, rank meant responsibility, not privilege. He proved that democracy and military success were not incompatible. His simple and forthright character had won him the respect of the American people.

The piece opines that making the penalties more severe might cause juries to acquit defendants. At least the state had the consolation of knowing that the courts and law enforcement were doing a thorough job.

It suggests that local option was a recipe for drunk driving, forcing residents of one county which was dry to drive to the wet county to obtain liquor. The Record had opposed local option in South Carolina for that reason. South Carolina's method of local option was simply that liquor stores would not exist in counties where the business would not support it, and that, it says, was the best method.

Some had been critical.

He reprints several samples of the reaction.

A man who had been in the merchant marine for 24 years and had been to Russia five times observed that Russian machines were mostly imported, those native-made being inferior. He concludes that there was nothing to fear from Russia technologically. He believed that they were hiding nothing save extreme poverty and that the Baltic States and Czechoslovakia and Poland would provide Russia with "acute indigestion" for the ensuing half century.

A woman says that she was ready to take a Russian student into her home, that millions of American soldiers would have perished but for the sacrifice of the Russians.

One man had spent eight months with Russian sailors as their U.S. Navy radar and communications instructor, and then, following his discharge, worked for the Soviet Purchasing Commission, found them to be "plain people", not understanding diplomatic language, respecting men true and patriotic to their native country. All he met respected the United States.

A woman named Memory from Wake Forest, N.C., believed that most women's organizations would back the plan.

Governor Lausche had been elected with the blessing of FDR in 1944 and had been regarded as a liberal. But surrounded by a Republican Legislature, he had attempted to swing toward the right while the CIO PAC made life difficult for him with impossible demands. The result was that he was a moderate, finding few friends on either side of the political spectrum. His accomplishments, which included improvement of the state's antiquated mental asylums, had been obscured.

Senator Robert Taft, of whom Senatorial candidate and former Governor John W. Bricker stood to the right, wanted a minimum program of social reform and a foreign policy tending toward the era of isolation. He had recently attacked the verdict at Nuremberg as immoral, by holding the defendants accountable criminally for waging war. He accused both Presidents Roosevelt and Truman of appeasing Russia, enabling them to build the greatest totalitarian state in the history of the world. He urged that election of a New Deal Congress again would encourage such a foreign policy. He desired an end to peacetime conscription.

Senator Taft did not like Bretton Woods for making ten billion dollars available to foreigners. He wanted protective tariffs to protect American industry against cheap foreign competition.

He liked the U.N. but wanted peace and security maintained by "freedom and justice rather than by force." He did not want to interfere in the internal affairs of other nations.

Mr. Childs remarks that Senator Taft's views paralleled those of his father, former President William Howard Taft, who in 1920 had urged the election of Warren Harding as President to nix U.S. approval of membership in the League of Nations, leading to the policy of isolationism which plagued the nation through the beginning of the war, until Pearl Harbor.

Samuel Grafton suggests that those who believed in single hot-button issues to sway voters in the fall election might find that they were only awakening voters on the other side of the political spectrum to think. He cites as example the abnormally high registration among voters in Democratic New York City, perhaps a reaction to the meat crisis and signaling a landslide for Governor Dewey. But it might also indicate disgust and disapproval of the one-issue approach to politics, portending a win for James Mead in the gubernatorial race and former Governor Herbert Lehman in the Senatorial race, to succeed Senator Mead.

He is reminded of the unexpected Labor Party victory in England during July, 1945, and finds in it a conceivable pattern for a similar victory by liberals in the upcoming election, based on the same misplaced confidence in one or two-issue campaigning. The Republicans hoped that the meat shortage and frustration with Government regulation and slow reconversion generally would translate into votes for Republican candidates. Mr. Grafton thinks it might turn out otherwise.

Samuel Grafton, in another piece not on the page this date, remarks that while the Republicans were eager to have the public blame the Democrats for the meat shortage, there was another scenario for causation, rendering the Republican argument casuistry, in which the income tax was the primary problem. Cattle growers had made their money for the year during the summer production upsurge when OPA controls were absent. To avoid high taxes, the cattlemen were taking a holiday for the last quarter.

He admits being unprepared to defend the theory to the death but pointed it out to show alternatives to blaming strictly the Democrats, and that American politics had usually more complex explanations than blaming one party or the other for undesirable results.

He predicts that if the Republicans were to take the House and the Democrats retained control of the Senate, then it would take at least five months after the new Congress was seated to pass, over inevitable presidential veto, an end to price control. With expectations of its ultimate end, however, production would virtually cease until controls would be lifted, producing a halt to the nation's economy. Election of a Republican Congress, therefore, was not the panacea for which the electorate might hope, to end the economic ills.

The conservative Southern Democratic bloc had helped the Republicans to block an effective extension of OPA in the spring and summer. The meat shortage of the spring had been in anticipation of lifting controls, followed by the glut of July and August, and now the shortage again with reimplementation of controls.

So, he questions how it was that the Democrats were at fault and finds it unlikely that the Republicans included Southern Democrats in that notion. Their real targets were Northern and Western liberals. But these liberals had not been in power recently. To throw them out would change nothing.

Essentially, the Republicans were begging for the same kind of Congress which they were begging to displace. The only way, he offers, to obtain a new Congress would be to get rid of Northern Republicans, and surely the Republicans did not want that to occur.

Another who misinterprets the editorial to which she gives praise.

Judge Ervin was in his last two months of office, having been selected to succeed his deceased brother the previous January on the promise that he would not seek re-election. Judge Ervin would eventually become a Justice of the North Carolina Supreme Court, and in June, 1954 would be appointed by Governor William B. Umstead to fulfill the term of deceased Senator Clyde R. Hoey, a position Senator Ervin would hold until his retirement from office in 1975.