The basis for the strike was to establish a welfare fund for members of the union, to be paid exclusively by the newspapers. The War Labor Board had agreed to arbitrate the strike if the workers returned, which, finally, they agreed to do.

The workers would lose nothing by their strike save loss of pay for its duration. The editorial advocates changing the Labor Relations Act to provide for damages caused by strikes in violation of existing contracts. Unions defying Government orders to return to work should be suspended from operation and denied recognition by the company. Union members so striking should be suspended or disciplined. Unions so striking should have to post a bond to renew contracts or show evidence of good faith.

Yet, it predicts, the weather people were going to lump all the statistics together and provide a false picture of the year, showing a temperate climate, with an annual mean temperature of 60.2 degrees, averaged between 30.2 and 90.2. Average rainfall, based on drought and downpour blended together, would also be the publicized result.

The editorial plumps for a law against such meanness.

The latter point, it suggests, was the key in determining that El Caudillo, for all the rhetoric, really did not intend to relinquish power.

The debate might never end, says the piece, until the wave of the future, the airplane, would render the railroad rates moot.

Congressman Fritz Lanham of Texas and Congressman John Murdock of Arizona both appeared in support of the proposal to save travel time to and from the Capitol.

Congressman Victor Wickersham of Oklahoma wanted to know whether the proposal included enlarging and improving the House restaurant, to which Mr. Lanham responded that it did not, but that a separate proposal did.

Mr. Wickersham also wanted to express the hope that the antiquated furniture in the House and the step-down floor would be replaced.

Congressman James Roe of New York expressed the desire to have something done about the bad public address system. Mr. Lanham responded that research permitted such an improvement, that the Chamber had been constructed in the mid-nineteenth century and that many improvements had been made in acoustics since that time.

He next examines the sugar allotment to Fascist Spain, as allowed by the State Department, cutting into the supply of sugar to the United States, the source of both of which supplies being the British-controlled Caribbean.

The United Nations Rehabilitation and Relief Administration had stated that Czechoslovakia, Yugoslovia, Albania, and Poland required 140,000 tons of sugar, and the combined food board promptly allotted 40,000 tons for the purpose, went searching for the remaining 100,000 tons.

Then, a few days earlier, the food board had reversed itself and told UNRRA that no sugar would be available for the four countries, each of which had been the victims of Nazi aggression, because 60,000 tons had been earmarked for Spain by the State Department.

Lastly, he reports of the July 4th experience of twenty Senators who wanted to work at their offices at the Capitol, only to find all entrances closed except the main entrance. Among the group was Senator Kenneth McKellar, president pro tem, who was especially frustrated at not being able to access the entrance closest to his office, being forced in consequence to climb the Capitol steps. The result was that the skeletal staff of security personnel employed on Sundays and holidays would be increased to permit guards at all entrances.

John W. Snyder, he reports, would be the successor to Fred Vinson as War Mobilizer, Judge Vinson having been named Secretary of the Treasury to replace Henry Morgenthau. Mr. Snyder, a personal and trusted friend of the President, had been named by the President in April as the head of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation.

Some reports had it that Judge Vinson would retain the dual role as War Mobilizer. Mr. Childs suggests that would be a big mistake because of the tremendous demands of each role in the reconversion process of the economy to peacetime.

The President had polled his Cabinet before leaving for Potsdam as to their views on the post-war economy. With the notable exception of Secretary of Commerce Henry Wallace, who stated that he believed the economy would need to be carefully planned by the Government, that it would not become prosperous on its own, they all stated that prosperity appeared on the horizon. OPA director Chester Bowles warned, however, that the ensuing year would be a crucial time for the economy, that it was in that period following World War I that the fight to prevent inflation had been lost.

Veterans were coming home with money in their pockets, looking for a good time following years of privation, but were finding that their money did not stretch very far.

One of the reasons for the many strikes across the country was that wages were not keeping pace with rising prices.

Such were the headaches that President Truman would face upon his return from the Big Three conference.

He favors standing the striking workers up before the soldiers who were injured in the war. Then, he wanted the strikers drafted, placed in the infantry immediately with "minimum training" and shipped directly to the front lines.

"I ask you, is this country to be controlled by labor unions? The true American answer—hell, no."

We suspect that the gentleman, sometime in the 1960's, made a killing in the South off the bumper sticker which used to read: "America: Love It or Leave It".

He was obviously, in any event, a vast repository of estimable reasoning and military strategy. Indeed, the generals probably wanted him to lead these troops, striking laundry workers in Charlotte with "minimal training", whom he had so willingly sought to volunteer to the battle for Japan.

He was also quite the sociologist and economist, probably a disciple of the Dave Clark School of Reactionism.

" 'There is a game of puzzles,' he resumed, 'which is played upon a map. One party playing requires another to find a given word—the name of town, river, state or empire—any word, in short, upon the motley and perplexed surface of the chart. A novice in the game generally seeks to embarrass his opponents by giving them the most minutely lettered names; but the adept selects such words as stretch, in large characters, from one end of the chart to the other. These, like the over-largely lettered signs and placards of the street, escape observation by dint of being excessively obvious; and here the physical oversight is precisely analogous with the moral inapprehension by which the intellect suffers to pass unnoticed those considerations which are too obtrusively and too palpably self-evident. But this is a point, it appears, somewhat above or beneath the understanding of the Prefect. He never once thought it probable, or possible, that the Minister had deposited the letter immediately beneath the nose of the whole world, by way of best preventing any portion of that world from perceiving it.' "

And if hunger, unemployment, and civil strife ensued peace in Japan, it would nevertheless take on the appearance of enslavement and extermination.

Assuming the Japanese leaders were not insane, which she makes room for being a false assumption in a world gone largely insane, she posits that if America could state firmly its goals in the Pacific, then surrender might come soon from Japan. If, for instance, the goals were to obtain from Japan the sinking of its fleet, abandonment of its holdings in the South Pacific, and the implementation of reasonable controls to prevent rearmament, then peace might soon follow. Such a peace would leave Japan as a fourth-rate power.

But if the goal was to end any form of power of Japan, to divide it into zones of occupation as in Germany, and to dethrone the Emperor, then the fight would have to continue to the bitter end.

She asserted that the decision for the latter course appeared already made and irrevocable. Russia would soon enter the Far Eastern war with China and would, in that theater, set the aims of peace.