The editorial contends that the practice, regardless of the law, was highly questionable. The primary evil leading to this situation, it opines, had been the closed shop, permitting the union to mandate membership for employment. While the closed shop had been a necessity in some war industries where labor had to be recruited actively, in others it was simply a racket for the union.

Drew Pearson had reported that Assistant Secretary of State Nelson Rockefeller had stated to Congress that Argentina was a necessary ally as a strong anti-Communist government in South America. So, concludes the piece, the United States was advocating friendship with a former pro-Axis Government because of its opposition to one of America's key allies during the war.

Argentina had previously sold its entire meat exports to Britain, but had begun to stall in renewal of the contract, following admission to the United Nations.

Acceptance of Argentina had proved a thorn, especially with respect to U.S.-Soviet relations.

Yet, the French, for the expression of good will toward the people of Spain, had shown a contrary tendency in Syria and Lebanon, with a failure to recognize the full independence of the Levant States. While not fascism, the oppressive policies imposed in Syria had resulted in the death of Arabs, just as had the policies of Franco's Falangists in Spain.

But two of the men on the committee which he appointed were Dr. Vannevar Bush, head of the Office of Scientific Research and Development, and Charles Kettering of General Motors, both regarded by liberals as defenders of the present patent system and so supporters of monopoly and enemies of the people.

The criticism, says the piece, had the same appearance about it as had the liberal opposition to the new State Department appointed in November and December by President Roosevelt, as being too inclined toward big business and conservative interests.

What was not yet disclosed publicly was that Dr. Bush was heavily involved in the Manhattan Project, had been one of its primary administrators and promoters to President Roosevelt, that which Vice-President Wallace uniquely knew. Dr. Bush was at this time advising President Truman to use the atomic bomb on a Japanese industrial city as soon as it became available.

We are certain, however, that it was illuminating of the whole issue of price control.

Moreover, Mr. Soong had obtained the final promise of U.S. gold previously earmarked for China and was seeking 3,000 tons of cotton to be shipped from America each month, even if the latter was not yet promised for its cut into civilian and military needs.

Mr. Pearson next reports that, despite running contrary to the interests of former Democratic National Committee treasurer Ed Pauley, now appointed by President Truman to the Reparations Commission, and to the interests of Standard Oil of California, Attorney General Francis Biddle, as one of his last acts as Attorney General, had obtained the approval of President Truman to move forward with the Justice Department suit to establish Federal control of offshore oil to the three-mile international limit.

A lucrative industry had been developed off the California coast from oil leases from the State of California. Mr. Pauley had made a fortune, receiving $30,000 per month from his holdings. And it had been Mr. Pauley who had been instrumental in getting Harry Truman on the Democratic ticket in July, 1944.

Mr. Biddle had been seeking, along with Secretary of Interior Harold Ickes, to establish the Federal right via a lawsuit by the Government since 1939. But FDR had not been willing to provide his imprimatur out of concern for upsetting the oil interests.

Mr. Biddle had even suggested to President Truman, when he sought the President's approval, that he think it over when the President surprisingly assented to the call. He had already contemplated the move and gave his unreserved go ahead.

Early on during FDR's term, says Mr. Childs, the relationship between the White House and the press had been excellent. But it had deteriorated in more recent years and Mr. Early was often left having to play arbiter between the President and the desire of the press to obtain more information than was being disbursed.

Mr. Early was scheduled to leave the Roosevelt Administration on June 1, having already been replaced by Jonathan Daniels, who was undertaking some of the press secretary's duties before the President's death April 12.

President Truman had wanted Mr. Early to remain, given his invaluable support during the transition period, but recognized that he wanted to leave after so long in the position.

Mr. Childs remarks that, in addition to the ceremonial side of the presidency, there was the daily grind of decision-making and seeking of favors to which attention had to be given. After taxes, the President received only $28,000, from which living costs and servants had to be paid. Mr. Childs found it a wonder that anyone wanted to be President.

Mr. Early was bound for a job at the Pullman Company at many times his Government salary. The new press secretary was to be Charles G. Ross, already appointed, a longtime Washington correspondent who knew well the ropes.

The fact that the President had enjoyed the benefit of Mr. Early's experienced counsel in the opening weeks of his administration may have accounted, offers Mr. Childs, in part for the good start.

Titled "The American Jew as a Citizen", he posits that the American Jew was one of the pioneers of America, the first Jewish community having been established in New York in 1655, preceded only by the English and Dutch. The Jewish synagogue at Newport, R.I. was contemporary with the Pilgrim Church of Massachusetts. Jews in America preceded the Germans, Irish, Scandinavians, Slavs, and Italians.

At the first inauguration, President Washington had invited a Jewish rabbi to stand beside the Anglican prelate, as a symbol of religious diversity in America.

Yet, many Jews in 1945, he informs, were wondering what would happen in America, in the wake of the tide of anti-Semitism which had proved so deadly on the Continent during and before the war. Mr. Golden answers that nothing would occur, that the heritage of America's respect for religious diversity was too deeply ingrained to allow any such tide as had swept Europe.

No anti-Semitism had existed in the country in 1700 to the middle of the nineteenth century; it had been imported with the tide of immigrants in the latter half of the 1800's.

He expressed the desire that newspapermen would stop running down rumors about Jews, which only served to spread the ill-founded rumor, of which no one had ever heard before the newspapermen began running it down. Likewise, he tired of hearing about Jews as a group. Jews, he informs, were unified only on religious observance and could not be viewed as a bloc in America on anything else.

Jews who had lived in the South during the Civil War had fought for the Confederacy. A Jew had been the Confederate Surgeon General, another, Judah Benjamin, the Confederate Secretary of War, another a commodore, and seventeen had been colonels in the Confederate Army. In the North, Jews fought for the Union, one having been a general and 46, commissioned officers.

Mr. Golden found persons who expressed anti-Jewish statements not to be so much anti-Semitic, but rather against Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, against the Constitution.

Hitler had taught the world that Christianity depends for its survival on the survival of Judaism, for, historically, Christianity had sprung from Judaism.

In the end, he finds no fear for the future of Jews in the world or in America. "God Is in His Heaven and Our Land Is Bright."