Monday, April 2, 1945

The Charlotte News

Monday, April 2, 1945

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that American Marines and Army infantry had on Sunday invaded Okinawa on the Ryukyu island's western shore near Katena. The point of invasion had caught the Japanese by surprise for the fact that for ten days the target of bombing had been the eastern shore. It was estimated that there were 60,000 to 100,000 Japanese defenders on Okinawa and it was believed that they would fight tenaciously to hold it, just 340 miles from the home islands of Japan.

That would prove to be understatement. The campaign for Okinawa would wind up taking until June 21 to complete and would cost 12,000 American lives, three times the number of the most costly campaign to date in the Pacific, that on Iwo Jima, completed in March. Casualties would run to an additional 39,000 wounded and 33,000 non-combat losses. The Japanese would suffer in excess of 95,000 killed and about 10,000 captured.

The 10th Army had moved rapidly across the southern portion of the island to take Katena and Yontan airbases during the first few hours of the operation, encountering only weak opposition.

The half million civilians remaining on the island, despite leaflets having been dropped by the Americans urging evacuation, had proved to be thus far no hindrance to the invasion. They did not offer to fight in opposition and did not appear to be committing suicide either.

On the Western Front, the First and Ninth Armies had trapped 110,000 German troops within the Ruhr, as the British Second Army drove 20 miles northeast of Muenster, to within 122 miles of Hamburg and 217 miles of Berlin, seeking to entrap another German Army group, which, if done, would deplete German strength in the West by two-thirds.

Trapped Germans in the Ruhr sought to break out of the trap between Paderborn and Siegen near Winterburg but were stopped by the First and Ninth Armies. Among the trapped German armies was the Fifth Panzer, the last of the tank armies in the West. The Ruhr contained five enemy tank, ten infantry, two parachute, and four other divisions, the latter comprised of Volkssturm and Volks Grenadiers. The last of the escape routes had been closed on Sunday by the Second and Third Divisions.

American and British troops entered Muenster, while the British cut the Dortmund-Ems Canal in at least two positions, at Reisenbeck and to the east.

The British Second Army captured Rheine and Enschede, and moved into the suburbs of Gronau.

The Third Army was driving hard across central Germany, into Kassel and Fulda, moving almost at will, within 155 miles of Berlin and 195 miles of Russian lines.

On the Eastern Front, The Russians had advanced to within 20 miles of Vienna. Other columns had moved to within 8.5 miles of Bratislava in Slovakia.

James Byrnes resigned as the Office of War Mobilization director. He would, in late June, be named Secretary of State by President Truman. President Roosevelt had convinced him in the fall to remain as War Mobilization director until the end of the European war. The fact that he resigned at this point was a further indicator of the optimism in Washington that V-E Day was near. Future Supreme Court Chief Justice Fred Vinson, having just been named to head the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, was named as the successor to former Justice Byrnes.

On the editorial page, "The Molehill" comments on the charter worked out between CIO, AFL, and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce regarding labor-management relations, specifically on that part of it which declared that the rights to organize and engage in collective bargaining had to be maintained as sacrosanct against any legislative interference.

There were, however, doubters of the peace thus apparently founded between labor and management. One was Raymond Moley who wondered if the statement meant that the Wagner Act, which he regarded as unfair to management, would remain therefore unchanged.

The piece finds, nevertheless, the agreement struck to be significant, given its broad reaching resolutions, from a high-wage to foreign trade policy, especially coming at a time when labor-management cooperation had appeared at a low ebb. So, it offers, the parties would likely have stated expressly an intent to have the Wagner Act fixed for posterity if that is what they had meant, that the charter expressed a labor-management peace which should be greeted in the spirit of triumph over dissension.

"D-Day for Peace" discusses the revelation by Secretary of State Edward Stettinius of a secret agreement at Yalta whereby the proposed Security Council vote would allow three votes to Russia, six to Great Britain, and three to the United States, a weighted system.

The announcement had resulted in some howls of unfairness for the allowance to the British of an apparent trump card. Senator W. Chapman Revercomb of West Virginia viewed it as "degrading". Senator Olin Johnston of South Carolina cautioned, however, against nit-picking the accord and thereby risking defeat of it at San Francisco.

The piece finds it likely that such a weighted voting system would garner the snarls of that part of the crowd tending to the old saw, Perfidious Albion, and would thus prompt considerable debate into the future on this part of the agreement.

"In Perspective" comments on the statement recently by Admiral Ernest King, chief of staff of the Navy, that the war in the Pacific was going well, albeit not, strictly speaking, ahead of schedule for the fact that there never had been a schedule.

But the war was going so well that the Navy had reduced its call for construction of new ships from 84 to 12, from 636,800 tons to 150,000 tons. The behemoths took two years to build, and so the large battleships canceled were for 1947. The revision thus meant that the brass believed the war in the Pacific was well enough in hand that the current complement of Navy vessels plus the Royal Navy would suffice to win the war.

Yet, the progress had to be contained within the perspective of Admiral King's admonition that soon, American forces would be engaging the Japanese Army on their own soil and that the fight ahead on land would be long and bitter.

"V-J Day," it concludes, "is still blood, tears, toil and sweat away."

"OPA's Own Panics" criticizes the standard operating procedure followed by the Office of Price Administration in establishing changes in rationing point values, announcing them three or four days before they went into effect, thus creating stampedes at the market for hoarders to buy up at the older point values the goods to be changed.

The previous week, a change was announced in the point value on margarine, shortening, and cooking oil, resulting in just such an onrush of buying by homemakers at the local markets. At the end, there was none of the product left on the shelves, except where grocers placed a strict per customer limit on purchases.

So, advises the piece, the policy needed to be revised.

Says the filler, strawberries were early in the Northern market.

But what about cranberry sauce?

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Representative Robert Rich of Pennsylvania, in debate over the Water Treaty with Mexico, still displeased with regard to the procedure whereby points of order were being waived, and asks his colleagues what they would tell their constituents after allowing the Subcommittee on Appropriations to write the legislation.

Congressman Malcolm Tarver of Georgia comments that the taxpayers would be saved millions of dollars by the procedure adopted versus that recommended by Mr. Rich.

Representative John Taber of New York asks whether it was not true that the waiving of points of order had instead cost the taxpayers millions of dollars, to which Mr. Rich readily affirmed that it was.

Mr. Rich added that he could not understand how members of the House could get away with saying the things they did on the floor.

Mr. Tarver asked him whether he believed he was getting away with something.

Mr. Rich responded in the negative, that he had tried to economize and had failed to convince his colleagues to do so. He asserted that Mr. Tarver's statement was untrue, that not waiving the points of order would cost the taxpayers millions of dollars was simply false. He concluded that the there was wishbone in the House where backbone ought be.

Drew Pearson comments on the consternation of the Army Air Forces on the plans after the war to maintain a large ground force but relatively small air corps, leaving vulnerable, if carried out, remote bases once again, as at the start of the war with Japan. The planners wanted an air corps of about 18,000 following the war, its size in 1936. At the same time, peacetime conscription was being pushed, Undersecretary of War Patterson being a major proponent of the idea.

But the air experts favored a large air corps which could reach distant locations quickly and provide a first-line defense capability domestically. A strong air corps and Navy would provide time to mobilize infantry. Future development of the rocket-bomb would also influence the importance of a land army in the initial phases of a war. Rockets and air power would become the sine qua non, these experts predicted, for victory in future warfare.

Mr. Pearson notes that in 1940, the deputy clerk of staff of the Army had dictated an appropriation for only six long-range Army bombers. It was revised only when other officers and world events intervened. But it betrayed the thinking of ground officers.

He relates next of Maj. General Patrick Hurley, now Ambassador to China, chafing at being forced by the State Department to don civilian clothes in his post. He had returned stateside, went to the White House to brief the President. He wore a blue serge suit and the President remarked that he looked good in blues. General Hurley sought permission to wear his Army uniform in the post in China, but the President quickly reassured him that he looked fine in blues. That was that.

Mr. Pearson indicates that Justice Felix Frankfurter appeared to be having the last word on who would become the next Solicitor General of the United States, responsible for presenting the Government's position in cases to the Supreme Court. Justice Frankfurter had recommended that FDR appoint Assistant Secretary of State Dean Acheson. Attorney General Francis Biddle wanted Hugh Cox.

In the end, the current Solicitor General, Charles Fahy, with the death of the President just ten days hence, would remain in the post until September when President Truman appointed his successor, J. Howard McGrath, then Governor of Rhode Island, later, in 1949, to be appointed by Truman to become Attorney General, succeeding Tom Clark, appointed to the Supreme Court by the President. Governor McGrath, serving also for two years as an interim Senator, from 1947 to 1949, remained Attorney General until April, 1952.

Marquis Childs urges the home front to realize the many benefits America enjoyed as opposed to Europe, from which he had just returned from a two month visit. The talk at home urged release of price controls, but he counseled that it was time to encourage discipline rather than loosening of restraints. The soldiers abroad had endured discipline for three years and more.

He had hired a translator in Belgrade who had lost her family in the fighting for Herzegovina the previous year. Her fiance was killed in Belgrade by a German machine gun. She had spent time in America and had become a citizen by virtue of naturalization of her parents. She wondered whether Americans really appreciated the freedom which they enjoyed relative to Europe.

Mr. Childs echoed the thought, stressing that, even after the war, Europe, and even England, were going necessarily to be dependent for the most part on state-run economies to restore their societies. Americans, for all the false talk of a dictatorship under the New Deal, still enjoyed individual freedom, and the only way to keep it was to reach out to the rest of the world in cooperation, not seek to build a wall around the prosperity of the country.

Samuel Grafton comments that it would be a "strange twilight" between the winning of the war in Europe and the winning of the war in the Pacific. In the interim, the old isolationism would have a chance to creep back into American life, criticizing Great Britain and Russia, calling for an end to price controls, desiring a new automobile, resentful of sending food to Europe.

While there would be a period of some relief and celebration following the end of the war in Europe, there would, he predicts, set in quickly thereafter the reality of the ruin which needed rebuilding, with the concomitant tendency by some to ask why America had joined the fight in the first place.

He suggests that Americans prepare for an unending task of making the world a saner place in which to live, that sometimes that task would require war. The sensible foresaw nothing after the war save a chance to fight for that better world, where war would not be the normative arbiter of international disputes.

The period after Hitler would no longer have a binding common enemy to hold the Allied nations together and so they would have to work harder to maintain unity.

"The earlier question, of who gets into the war first, will be replaced by the later one, of who gets out first; and there will be a kind of tension, a cautious circling-about of commercial interests, like wrestling bears; and this will take place in a bleak sort of domestic atmosphere, as our troops move across the country from Europe to the Pacific, hello, good-bye."

Hey-la, hey, a-hey-lo-a.

And, finally, former Vice-President Walter Mondale's question to Senator Gary Hart, addressed during the Democratic presidential debates of 1984, has been answered—or had already been answered in 1945. (For those, incidentally, too young to recall, Senator Hart's reference to "Mr. Chancellor" was not to President Reagan, but rather to moderator John Chancellor of NBC News.)

The vice-president of Armour & Company explains fully the answer to the question, "Where's the Meat?" even if the inquiry in 1984 was directed only to beef.

George Orwell could not have planned the back to the future perspective any better.

F. W. Specht explains that the meat shortage in the country was the result, first, of there having been increased production in 1943 and 1944 to meet the increased demand for meat brought on by the war, causing a record meat supply of 145 pounds per person in the latter year. That should have served the civilian demand, but the fact of increased buying power of the public, coupled with price controls on meat, had driven demand to higher levels than anticipated. The Government then began rationing meat.

The previous year, apparently on the belief that the war would end in 1944, the Government began encouraging cattlemen to reduce their herds to bring production more in line with that before the war. Hog production dropped faster than beef production with the result that hogs were below the level urged by the Government, pork being down 55 percent from levels a year earlier.

Meanwhile, the Government had increased its meat orders in the face of these shortages, asking that high percentages of various meats be set aside for orders by the Government. Contributing further to the shortages, therefore, was this exigency, also causing the availability of the best quality meat, reserved for the Government, to be in short supply, leaving to the civilian market such odds and ends as the hearts, livers, kidneys, tails, ears, and snouts.

Storage stocks were also much lower than in past years.

There's always Spam. Probably better than snout.

Among the quotes of the day: "These people will rejoice when the Americans are back again. They won't say it openly, but one can gather this attitude from their praise of the Americans, of whom they say that they always behave like gentlemen." –Unmailed letter on a German captured on the Western Front.

We congratulate the University of Kentucky basketball team, incidentally, for the school's eighth NCAA championship and a season well played. You were the best team in the country and you deserved to win it.

But, we have to tell you, your fans are a bunch of beer-swizzling rednecks from hell. And, for those stuck somewhere in an alcoholic haze, thinking perhaps that may be a compliment, it isn't. It was funny onscreen, you see, when John Belushi performed such antics as an actor in a role, but, in reality, it is rather boorish and sophomoric behavior. That is why it is funny in the context of a movie. But not in reality.

We have seen as much in reactions by fans of professional teams, who include all levels of society in large urban settings. San Francisco's redneck idiots who did as much in the wake of the 1982 Super Bowl victory come immediately to mind. But that is a large city, full of all types of people. We have to blame a university for allowing an atmosphere of alcohol and greater emphasis on basketball, and sometimes other sports, than on academics, for the kind of displays which went on in Lexington during the Final Four, even resulting in a man, not a student, being shot and having his foot amputated in the melee following the championship game.

To some degree, such celebrations go on across the nation's campuses after major sporting events, and school spirit is a good thing, as is, we suppose, some level of venting from the rigors of academic life, even if, for decades, too much emphasis has been placed on such antics at the expense of disciplined academics, the true spirit of college life and the true gift of college life, the time to spend thinking and considering, the spindle which will shape and influence one's thought patterns for the remainder of adult life. We do not expect on college campuses rioting over sport, any more than we expect shootings on college campuses, whether involving sport or otherwise.

There is something very wrong, and increasingly so, in our culture these days, something welling up from the most primitive instincts normally tamped down in mankind, tamped down the greater in those in college. It derives from frustration, we posit, from too much daily control of our lives generally, too many metal detectors and security lines and the like, too much police authority and presence, too little trust in each other. Perhaps, in college life, it is the result of too many strictures on curricula, a movement since the 1980's steadily away from allowing college students to set their own course to some degree in determining in the first two years which courses they can take outside their major, one of the great creative endeavors which used to be allowed in college, during the 1960's and 1970's, and which encouraged individual responsibility. We write from hearsay and intuition on the point, without any pretense of firsthand knowledge of the latter era.

Perhaps, in microcosm, that welling frustration is evident in these riots in Lexington, Kentucky, following victories in basketball, where the culture of basketball and sport long ago reached absurd levels of emphasis. Perhaps, one involved in such antics, if a student, ought to consider that college is for learning, not to have a big party and be fools, at the expense of the rights of others and property. If you were protesting the Iraq War a few years ago with that kind of resolve, at least there would have been some reason behind it. But this display is simply that of uncultured behavior, not counterpoint to the otherwise gentlemanly beau sabreur of the classroom during the week.

It is obviously unfair to blame all Kentucky fans and students for such a foolish demonstration. We understand that such celebrations draw many people from outside the community and the University, who have never set foot in a college classroom. But, nevertheless, the culture is one which is ultimately attractive of that sort of anti-scholar and must be held accountable, a culture which mindlessly considers winning or not a basketball game as the beginning and end of the world.

It is fun and only fun. It should be neither a business nor a Roman chariot race. Why don't we try to maintain that perspective? And, try to do so, whether you have ever attended your favorite college or not. If you adopt a college team as your own, then you have a responsibility to that team and institution to behave in celebration of victories by that team as the players and coaches, and the students and administration, urge you to behave, by both speech and example, both on and off the court or playing field, not to use it as an excuse to let loose your frustrations and inhibitions.

In this instance, creative judges and prosecutors might use those caught for the criminal conduct not so much as punitive examples, as long as restitution for property damage is made, but rather, as a condition of dismissal of criminal charges, providing opportunity to make, in written and verbal form, to be published in the campus newspaper, thorough explanation to their fellow students as to why they behaved as they did, and then doing so in a serious campus gathering, not to celebrate and behave foolishly, but rather to realize the national disgrace such behavior brought upon themselves as students, their fellow students, the community, the University, and the fine basketball team which represented it in NCAA play. The students' education might be thus put to work to reflect upon such behavior in a serious vein and offer some serious suggestions to the society to avoid, not only this sort of behavior, but the more serious kinds of behavior evident occasionally on college campuses, and before someone is killed in one of these "celebrations".

So, again, congratulations. We don't mean to dampen your enthusiasm, Kentucky, but if things hold true to form, they may vacate your season. After the performance of the fans, candidly, no one would care.

If you are going to participate in felonious conduct, try at least to emulate the more decorous forms of it, such as that displayed by your drunken brethren on other campuses, replete, in the instance cited, with some level of a collegian's inevitable symbolic content, we suppose, even if possibly escaping the conscious input of the celebrants at the moment of intersection of time and space.

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