In South Carolina, Strom Thurmond, who had parachuted into Normandy on D-Day and returned now to his post as circuit court judge, figured prominently, along with two other veterans, in the race for Governor—which Mr. Thurmond would win.

In Texas, the former head of the WAC's, Colonel Oveta Culp Hobby, married to a former Governor of Texas, was planning a run for Governor. Despite her appeal to veterans and women voters, she would not run for the office. Col. Culp, however, would become the first Secretary of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, appointed in 1953 by President Eisenhower.

Beauford Jester would defeat former University of Texas president Homer Rainey, dismissed by the Regents for his progressive views, in the Democratic primary. Dr. Rainey had extended in spring, 1941 the invitation to W. J. Cash to speak at the June 2 commencement proceedings.

The editorial finds OHA to be an assault on free enterprise, another alphabet agency in the long list to add to the clutter of Washington bureaucracy. OHA would have a housing czar to control prices, allocate scarce building materials, and cut red tape, in the process to provide veterans with first priority on scarce housing.

The piece states that the American economy could not long endure, half-controlled and half free, that builders would await removal of controls and put their effort in the meantime in higher return housing rather than ordinary housing for average income families.

Whatever the Government did, it ventures, had to be done with an eye toward eliminating such incentives to builders and imposing price ceilings across the board to accomplish that end. While some builders and landlords might ultimately be penalized under such a system, it could not be helped. The main goal was to ameliorate the housing shortage.

The piece makes comparison with the destructive tactics of Senator Bilbo, whose greatest feat was to filibuster pending legislation. That was not being a friend to the farmer and laborer but rather a deceiver, using race and bigotry to distract from the pocketbook issues of true concern to the citizenry.

By contrast, Governor Arnall was leading with honesty and intelligence to obtain results for the people, not stir their prejudices for the sake of merely lining his own pockets or sustaining his own political power, as with the Southern demagogues.

He next tells of the regular practice by representatives in Congress of editing remarks in the Congressional Record before it was printed. They had once even followed the practice of inserting comments, such as "loud applause" where there had been only boos, but Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn had eliminated that convention. Nevertheless, recently, Representative Clarence Cannon of Missouri had undertaken to eliminate two objections to his amendments to strike from the appropriations bill two items, one for a small amount to help solve the Washington parking problem and a second for 24.5 million dollars to alleviate the housing shortage facing returning veterans. Mr. Pearson re-inserts the responses, but concludes that apparently free and fair debate was no longer the rule in the House.

Finally, he discusses the effort of Henry Ford to enlist the aid of the State Department to stop the dissemination of Fascist propaganda in South America regarding his anti-Semitic remarks published during the mid-1920's in the Dearborn Independent. The effort in South America was to stir unrest and the State Department promised to help Mr. Ford dampen the effort.

Senator Carl Johnson of Colorado had enunciated a plan whereby with enough atomic bombs, fast planes, and strategically located air bases, the United States could outlaw wars of aggression. Mr. Grafton found the suggested policy to be anti-collaborationist in its effort to establish world peace.

President Truman had announced that there would be no more Big Three meetings because they would not be necessary if the U.N. were properly to fulfill its function. Mr. Grafton asserts that the announcement should have come jointly from the Big Three, as its unilateral enunciation was bound to have had negative impact on the Russians. It was a mistake, he believed, to rely so heavily on the U.N. when its impact on the world stage was still tenuous and, in any event, required that each nation bring to the Assembly its foreign policy fully formed. A crisis, he believed, was developing because of this American indecisiveness and drift.

In any event, she believes that these men had given their lives for God to protect their country—though apparently misunderstanding the words of Reverend Spaugh, himself a World War I veteran who needed no instruction on patriotism or respect for same.

In 1919, the State Deaprtment wanted to get into the civil war in Russia, while an American commander in Siberia, Major General William S. Graves, was determined to stay out. Later, General Graves would write America's Siberian Adventure, in which he set forth his resolve not to exceed orders not to intervene in the internal struggle. That was so despite pressure being exerted by the Japanese, with an army of 70,000 men at the time in Siberia, the British, and the French, to involve the U.S. in the war to eliminate the threat of the Bolsheviks.

The aim of the Japanese had been to obtain a large eastern section of Siberia including Vladivostok. They were supplying money and arms to chieftains of the Cossacks, guilty of atrocities against the peasants.

The British backed Czarist Admiral Kolchak, who the diplomatic representatives in the Far East were trying to push the State Department to recognize as the official Government in Russia.

President Wilson had sent General Graves to Siberia with the expressed mission of accompanying a wandering Czech army in its effort to obtain passage to Vladivostok and back home, with instructions not to intervene in the civil war. General Graves obeyed and used his troops only to guard the Trans-Siberian railway, over which the Czech troops had to pass to reach Vladivostok.

Nevertheless, bandits of the Cossacks attacked American troops resulting in numerous deaths. General Graves expressed gratification that his soldiers, regardless, remained true to their orders and did not succumb to the propaganda urging them to join the internal fight, preserving an American tradition to allow countries to settle their internal disputes without interference.

Within the United States at the time, newspapers criticized General Graves for failure to join the crusade against Bolshevism. Army chief of staff, General Peyton March, however, backed the position of General Graves and the President and, in consequence, there was no intervention in the Russian internal dispute, intervention which, as General Graves expressed in his book, would have been futile.

Mr. Childs expresses the regret that the book by General Graves was out of print, as Americans might greatly have benefited from reading it.

Indeed, with Korea, Vietnam, and Iraq ahead of the country in the decades to ensue, not to mention numerous covert interventions in South and Central America from the 1950's through the 1980's, Honduras in 1954 through Iran-Contra re Nicaragua during the 1980's, each justified by resolution of internal disputes which threatened the security of their respective regions and thus the security of the United States, leading in each of the three principal cases to hopeless quagmires, Americans might well have benefited by such a read.