Wednesday, October 31, 1945

The Charlotte News

Wednesday, October 31, 1945

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page states that General Eisenhower reported increasing unrest among young Germans and returning soldiers, including attacks individually on occupation troops, though not yet reaching the stage of organized resistance. The unrest was attributed to the numbers of displaced persons in the country, most of whom were 250,000 Poles, 60 to 70 percent of whom were to be repatriated by December 1, and resentment of them by the Germans for thefts of food and property. Murder and looting were not uncommon. Bremen had been a hotspot for such activity.

British warships were headed to Soerabaja in Java after British Brigadier General A. F. W. Mallaby was killed during his attempted arrangements of a truce with the Nationalists under Soekarno. The natives were warned that any further violence of the type would be crushed with overpowering force. Meanwhile, talks continued between the Nationalists and Dutch to end Dutch rule in the Dutch East Indies. Soekarno now was said to be acting under British orders.

In Northern China, the Governor of Shansi Province stated that 100,000 Red Chinese troops were attacking the railroad junction of Tatung. He believed they were under the direction of General Chu Teh, the Communist commander in chief. Yenan Communists contended that Chiang, while discussing with Communist leaders at Chungking how to avoid warfare, had amassed eight of his best armies against the Communists in Northern Honan Province deliberately to provoke a civil war.

The brain of Nazi Robert Ley, who had committed suicide in his cell while awaiting trial at Nuremberg, was going to be examined for damage to the frontal lobe, supposedly suffered when Ley was in aerial service during World War I as an observer at the front.

It was reported that Adolf Hitler and some of the other top Nazis were given a pass on payment of income taxes during Hitler's 12-year rule.

Ed Pauley, headed to Japan to examine reparations, stated that the Emperor's 106 million dollar fortune would be pooled with other Japanese Imperial assets for the purpose of establishing a reparations fund.

Secretary of State Byrnes announced that 38 Japanese destroyers and small defense ships would be divided equally between the United States, Russia, China, and Britain. Other ships, including four aircraft carriers and several battleships, were to be scuttled, possibly as part of a Navy test of the effectiveness of the atomic bomb on ships—that which the following summer would become the test on Bikini Atoll known as Operation Crossroads.

Disposition of the German fleet had not yet been determined.

As expected, former Secretary of the Navy under President Wilson, Josephus Daniels of North Carolina, told the Senate Military Affairs Committee that he recommended joinder of the Army and Navy under a Defense Department.

President Truman in his address on radio the previous evening had advocated, as expected, reasonable wage increases without major increases in prices. He did not indicate a percentage of wage increase, as predicted at 20 percent, but informed labor that they would not be able to have the same take-home pay as during the war, the basis for the demanded 30 percent increase based on a 48-hour week inclusive of overtime pay. He also stated that price increases might come in six months.

The entire program attendant the President's originally scheduled trip to Statesville, which had been cancelled two days earlier, had now also been cancelled, including the planned visits of Secretary of the Treasury Fred Vinson and Secretary of War Robert Patterson.

In the twenty-first entry of the series of articles by General Jonathan Wainwright on the fall of Corregidor and Bataan, he tells of meeting with Japanese General Masaharu Homma on May 6, 1942 to try to conclude the surrender announced at 10:30 a.m. for noon of that day. General Wainwright was left waiting for several hours for General Homma's arrival, which he performed in a Cadillac and full dress uniform replete with sword. "How they worship those damned swords!" added General Wainwright.

After gathering with General Wainwright and the interpreters at a table, General Homma, as had his junior officers already, refused to accept surrender unless it included all U.S. and Filipino troops in the Philippines. General Wainwright told him through the interpreter that he commanded no troops other than those on Corregidor, the other islands at the mouth of Manila Bay, and some on Northern Luzon, that he did not have command authority over the troops on Mindanao or in the Visayan Islands, under the command of Maj. General William Sharp.

General Homma refused to believe General Wainwright and continued to insist on total surrender, short of which, the hostilities against the contingent on Corregidor, now nearly completely disarmed, save for small arms, would continue. General Wainwright nevertheless reiterated that he had no authority to make the full surrender and no means by which to contact General Sharp in any event, as all of his radio equipment had been destroyed that morning. General Homma ordered General Sharp summoned to him and then departed in a huff.

With the certain fate of the death of all survivors on Corregidor before him should hostilities be resumed, General Wainwright made arrangements finally for the surrender of the entirety of the Philippines.

And, the October 31, 1937 edition of The News, not previously added, is now available.

On the editorial page, "The President's Program" comments on the variance between the President's radio address of the previous evening and the report preceding it, that he would recommend 48 hours of pay for 40 hours of work, effectively a 20 percent wage increase. He did not in fact make any specific proposal, only that wages should be increased, while prices would be maintained. His warning to unions that they could not expect the same take-home pay, however, as during the war was a compromise for industry.

The piece suggests that it appeared a good strategy by the President to have outlined a general program without specifics. Its weakness was that the President still apparently believed that the Government could stand aside and allow labor and industry largely to work out their differences, as he proposed no Federal machinery for supervising and controlling the wage-price structure, only that the War Labor Board might be called upon to do the job.

The editorial finds it wishful thinking by the President that labor and industry could get together, realize their common goals, and amicably work things out.

"Why Not Abolish Bilbo?" suggests to the Committee to Abolish the Poll Tax, which claimed support by 50 Senators and hoped to have action on a bill before Christmas, that it instead focus its energies on eliminating the rules of the Senate which permitted filibuster. Senator Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi had already assured that if the legislation were brought to the floor, he would filibuster it to death. Thus, to keep from tying up the machinery of the Senate, it was unlikely the bill would see soon the light of day.

Most of the nation favored abolition of the poll tax, but a few stubborn Southerners were able to keep it from a vote. Moves were afoot to produce a cloture rule, to limit debate, but would unlikely succeed as Senators generally did not like to limit their colleagues' right to be heard.

The editorial finds abolition of the poll tax not to be of great priority—as it had explained recently, because of the fact that the Southern Democratic parties in most of the Southern states prevented participation of minorities in the Democratic primaries, North Carolina being one exception, and thus elimination of the poll tax, as in Georgia by the recent amendment of the state Constitution, did not change anything.

But, nevertheless, it posits that to have the prospect of one or two Senators holding up democracy was a travesty and needed some form of change.

"Happy Hallowe'en" finds the prospect of pranksters on the streets of the city to be of possible benefit. For there were so many signs reversed from previous Halloweens, which had not be redirected or straightened, that the tricksters might actually correct a few unwittingly.

Hey, don't tell them or they will bring road maps.

Anyway, since Halloween got postponed in the Northeast because of Hurricane Sandy, we hope that maybe the like advice might be given to those who still have the wherewithal to get out perhaps this weekend or whenever it comes about and get some candy, while reshaping some of the misshapen signs and others appurtenances thrown out of whack by Mother Nature. Undo a few tricks and show that old Witch that she was not well appreciated this year.

And, come Hell or High Water, still make sure you vote. You will live with that result for two and four years hence, not just a few weeks of clean-up—with the balance of the Supreme Court potentially in play, for the next twenty or more years. For those not impacted by the storm, vote with the people of the Northeast in mind, realizing your relatively good weather fortune.

When you go into the polling booth, incidentally, the slogan, as always, to keep uppermost in mind in determining your choice is: Trick or Treat.

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Representative Chet Holifield of California, with early generational roots in North Carolina, commenting on the fact that many Americans had a tendency to look down upon foreigners in the country, while virtually all of the country was made up of foreigners within just a few generations removed.

He had heard people bragging that the atomic bomb was an American invention when in fact many of the scientists, starting with Albert Einstein, who had contributed in some manner to the development of atomic theory and its realization were from other countries. He proceeds to list them and their various contributions.

He concludes that the "super-patriots" of the country therefore be kind to persons of foreign birth. One might be Professor Einstein or even a member of Congress, though once a "furriner".

W.J. Cash, nearly five years earlier, had wholeheartedly agreed with the sentiment expressed by Congressman Holifield.

Drew Pearson provides an inside look at the recent meeting of the Big Four economic advisers in Berlin re determination of agricultural and industrial policy, and the distribution of coal and building materials to the Germans. Generally, the British favored providing coal and building materials while the French balked for their own want, and the Russians were non-committal to any aid in getting coal to the Germans in the East from Poland.

The American delegate wanted the Russians to buy or borrow oil from Austria, Rumania, and Hungary to provide to Germany. The Russian representative remained non-committal, wondering why, when Russia had received no reparations thus far, it should provide oil to Germany, favored Germany being responsible instead for itself in this regard as a manufacturer of diesel oil and benzine.

But it was disclosed that Germany suffered from a 720,000-ton deficit in oil for the coming year. The Russian delegate estimated that the British and Americans wanted Russia to supply therefore 7,000 tons of oil per day for which Russia had inadequate transportation. Eventually, the Russian delegate agreed to discuss the matter with Moscow.

All of the delegates agreed that the entire chemical warfare facilities in Germany should be destroyed.

Marquis Childs comments on the appointment of Senator Brien McMahon of Connecticut, a freshman Senator, to chair the special Senate committee to investigate atomic energy and recommend legislation thereon. Senator Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan would be the ranking Republican member on the eleven-member committee.

Both Senators were well-qualified for the positions, having discussed nuclear fission with leading scientists. Senator McMahon had authored the resolution creating the special committee and was thus its chair, despite lack of seniority. There were some misgivings on the part of other Senators but Senator Kenneth McKellar of Tennessee, the Senate president pro tem, stood firm on the traditional rule re chairmanship.

The House had drawn up a bad bill which provided to a single administrator complete control over atomic power. The House committee had refused to hear many key witnesses which the Senate committee could now afford an opportunity to be heard.

A letter writer thinks that America was repeating the mistake made after World War I, that of feeding the defeated enemy at the expense of America's own food reserves. She felt frustrated at having been forced for two years to undergo rationing.

She did not like food going to Russia because, though Russia had helped defeat Germany, it had taken its time about entering the war against Japan.

She counseled that Americans look after themselves.

As after Warren G. Harding became President.

Another letter writer, a perennial correspondent, finds the concept of having a four-million man Army supplied by a million young men per year for one year of compulsory military service to be inconsistent with the destructive power of the atomic bomb, capable, according to the scientists, of wiping out forty million people in a single attack. It did not suggest the desire to concentrate the Army in specific locations.

An Army private writes a letter imparting a new song sung by the men, wanting to be discharged and come home.

Perhaps, given the reports of increased bullying in schools in recent years, the Dorman Smith of the day ought be cut out, blown up, and posted at the doorway to every school in the country. Also, restore stress on physical education so that the bullies will be reluctant to act. They are always little weaklings with big, bad mouths. Moreover, the bullying might then die aborning for the inculcation again in schools of a sense of fair play, hard to instill when cops have to police the hallways.

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