Saturday, October 20, 1945

The Charlotte News

Saturday, October 20, 1945

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that war crimes trials for 2,000 Japanese would begin within 60 days. Some 500 of the accused were in custody, including former Premier Hideki Tojo, Foreign Minister Shigenori Togo, and Lt. General Masaharu Homma, who had allegedly directed the Bataan Death March in May-June, 1942.

The U.S. Military Government in Berlin announced that three munitions plants of the I.G. Farben Company would be blown up in the U.S. occupation zone and five more plants in the zone would become available for reparations.

In Hamburg, a British military court sentenced to death a U-boat captain and two of his officers for killing with machineguns and grenades eight survivors of the British freighter Peleus in March, 1944.

A seven-man military junta of young Army officers in Caracas, Venezuela, widened after ouster of President Isaias Medina y Angarita. There were contradictory reports as to whether Sr. Medina was being held captive by the insurgents or was leading the loyalists. Some 5,000 government troops were reported set to march on the capital in support of Medina. Fifty persons had been killed and a hundred wounded in the violence. The junta promised a democratic policy and free elections.

A strike of 2,000 CIO utility workers in Michigan appeared headed for resolution, in the face of threatened takeover of the companies by the State. The workers had demanded 30 cents per hour in wage increases but finally settled for 13 cents. Heating in the buildings of Jackson, Battle Creek, and Saginaw had been affected by the strike.

Nationwide, 415,000 remained idle, as 42,000 workers had returned to work in the previous 24 hours, 35,000 of whom were stevedores on strike for eighteen days in New York. Most of the 216,000 coal miners on strike were expected to return to work on Monday pursuant to the called end to that strike earlier in the week by UMW head John L. Lewis.

A new strike of 15,000 glass workers in ten cities was expected by Monday.

Elevator operators at Chicago's Palmer House went on strike for higher wages, leaving nearly 4,000 guests without service in the 25-story hotel. There had been no warning of the strike which began at 7:00 a.m. before most guests had awakened. Hotel executives began manning four of the elevators.

The hotels in the Loop were booked at the time to their highest capacity in history, the reason for which not being indicated.

On October 20-21, 1962, the Kennedy Administration entered the first of two weekends of the Cuban Missile Crisis, the President's cold suddenly developed in Chicago on Friday causing him to cancel his planned tour of six Western states, having suddenly become better and better, and worse and worse. The crisis was now in its fifth and sixth days, as laid forth in conjunction with The News of October 20 and October 21, 1937.

The front page this date presents a photograph of a letter from former Prime Minister Winston Churchill sent to the Queens College librarian in appreciation for her sending to Mr. Churchill a News editorial, indited at the time of news of his defeat in the general election, July 27.

In the twelfth in the series of articles by General Jonathan Wainwright on the fall of Bataan and Corregidor in April and May, 1942, he relates of taking charge of supplies, food and ammunition, shortly after taking command of the Philippines on March 21. He requisitioned some of the food from Corregidor, stocked with enough rations to feed 20,000 men until July. There were only 11,000 actually on the Rock, with 70,000 starving in Bataan. The rations obtained, however, were inadequate, despite the fact that the shipments reduced the stock on the Rock to the point that the men there would run out on half-rations by June 20.

Two supply ships were reported at Cebu City and Hoilo on Panay. Difficulties were encountered, however, in obtaining the supplies because no captain wanted to risk the journey through the heavily Japanese-infested waters to Corregidor to deliver them. Two submarines were finally employed to bring some of the supplies, but enough only for a day of rations.

Eventually, General Wainwright left Maj. General Edward King in charge of Luzon and set up his command on Corregidor. He described it as peaceful compared to Bataan. After three months of sleeplessness, under constant fire from the enemy, no shots were being fired at the Rock. Still, the paperwork required from the new position took up most of his time.

News reporter Freck Sproles tells of Corporal Scotty Heath, who in May, 1941 had lied about his age to get into the Army at sixteen, saying he was nineteen, winding up fighting in the Philippines, being captured in 1942, and spending the rest of the war in a Japanese prisoner of war camp in Japan where his normal 175-pound frame was reduced to 90 pounds. Returning home, he had decided, after his four-year ordeal, that it was better to tell the truth.

John Daly of The News reports of Brig. General William McCulloch, veteran of the attack on Pearl Harbor and the conquests of Guadalcanal and Bougainville, having returned to his home in Charlotte. Commanding the 27th Infantry in 1941, he was headquartered at Schofield Barracks on December 7 and, from that vantage point, saw some of the first Zeros drop their bombs to start the war.

Signs of normalcy were reported in the American occupation of Tokyo by the fact of bulletin board announcements at occupation headquarters which read: "All Rotarians sign for attendance makeup meeting" and "Georgetown University alumni meeting Monday".

On the editorial page, "The Subcommittee's Solution" discusses with approbation the long sought reorganization of North Carolina judicial districts, proposing to break up the heavily congested Mecklenburg-Gaston Counties district, which had been responsible for hopelessly crowded dockets for both criminal and civil courts. The proposed revision was to substitute the more sparsely populated Union County for Gaston. In addition to relieving much of the court congestion, Mecklenburg would be able to be free from the additional drag on its criminal dockets produced by Solicitor John Carpenter, long an editorial target of The News.

"Valid Objections" regards the approval by the City Council of deeding of city land to the Charlotte Veterans Recreation Center, though some objection had arisen as to the legality of the transaction without a clause enabling the equity in the property to revert to the City in the event the land became disused as a veterans center. The piece found the objections well taken.

"Gloomy Saturday" eerily predicts the Saturday which would, unbeknownst to all at the time save a select few in high positions in the military and government establishments of the United States and Russia, plus some trickling speculation on the part of a few members of the White House press corps, ensue on the same date in 1962. It discusses the pieces of Drew Pearson, Marquis Childs, and a letter writer, each concerning the infinitesimal atom and its assumption since August 6 and 9 of the predominant place on the world stage as the fat-man King of rock and roll.

Mr. Pearson had information that the President had given up on the concept of a world organization, that the arms race was on.

"We have been compromising," says the piece, "between the two courses open to us at the end of the war—acceptance of leadership in a new world organization, or the division of the world into two armed camps. There was wisdom and even statesmanship in this, for it allowed us to maintain our defenses while we tested the good will of our former allies. But the atom has ended the compromise, forced us to a choice. We have made it now; there is no other interpretation of the President's decision to withhold the secret of the atom, not from the world, but from Russia."

The editorial does not argue the wisdom of the decision, merely points it out as the start of the arms race with Russia, "that is certain to change the pattern of our national life." It asserted that its cost would not only be in money: "We will also pay for it in terms of liberty, and of hope."

"Big Town" finds informal confirmation in a substantial increase, as championed by the Chamber of Commerce, in the number of people who had come to live in Charlotte since the city had surpassed the 100,000 mark in 1940, in the facts that newcomers to the city complained of not being able to find housing and that the Ringling Brothers, Barnum & Bailey Circus was going to keep its tent in place in the city for two days, four shows, for the first time.

And, lastly, through a hogshead of real fire.

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Congressman Alfred Bulwinkle of North Carolina discussing with Congressman Robert Rich of Pennsylvania the bill for oversight of expansion of the nation's airport facilities, assuring Mr. Rich that the bill would support far more smaller airports than large commercial airline facilities.

Drew Pearson, as indicated by "Gloomy Saturday", reports that President Truman had confided recently to international peace advocate Fyke Farmer, a lawyer from Nashville, that an arms race had already begun and that he disfavored the suggestion of world government, as recently advocated by former Supreme Court Justice Owen Roberts.

The President, stating his reliance on Dr. Vannevar Bush, head of the National Research Defense Committee, insisted that the cost of development of the bomb, two billion dollars, would prevent it from being produced for some time to come by other nations, despite their inevitable possession of "the secret", that therefore the United States, by withholding the technology, could stay ahead of the race.

He rejected Mr. Farmer's position, informed by Leo Szilard and others, that the cheaper means already available to develop the bomb gave credence to the statement of Dr. Irving Langmuir, predicting that the Russians would, within about 20 years, surpass the United States in development of atomic technology.

The President thought world government a bad idea because, prior to the war, only Great Britain, France, and Belgium, outside the United States, enjoyed any freedom. China, India, and Russia, comprised of huge populations, could not conceive of individual freedom. He offered that perhaps world government might come in a thousand years or so.

Mr. Farmer countered that few in the Colonies had thought it possible to form a union just prior to 1776, that Thomas Jefferson had predicted that civilization would not come to the Mississippi for a century or to the West Coast for five centuries.

Mr. Pearson next comments on House Whip Les Arends of Chicago having gotten the better of Representative Andrew May of Kentucky, chair of the Military Affairs Committee, by reading to Mr. May a newspaper clipping explaining that the atom bomb could not have been developed without the vast power resources afforded to Oak Ridge by TVA and to the Hanford, Washington facility by the Bonneville Dam. Mr. May had long been an opponent of publicly owned power projects, as TVA and Bonneville, but was sponsoring a bill to set up a nine-man government committee to control the use of atomic power. Mr. May had made no response to the newspaper clipping read by Mr. Arends.

Finally, the column points out that the Navy continued to release its officers at such a slow pace that it would take seven years to discharge all of them. The separation center in Washington had personnel sitting at their typewriters nearly idle because no officers were being sent to them for processing.

A piece culled from Time on Frank Porter Graham and the University of which he was president, starts by describing the selection of the site for the First State University, aside a big poplar tree on a hill, as selected by future Governor William R. Davie. The poplar still stood in 1945, on the sesquicentennial of the opening of the University, as fourteen top educators, including Harvard president James B. Conant, gathered for the annual meeting of the Association of American Universities.

The University of Georgia contested that it was first to obtain a charter, prior to the 1789 grant to North Carolina, but, indisputably, North Carolina was first to open its doors to students, or better put, a student, Hinton James, who had traveled for weeks from the Eastern part of the state to get to Chapel Hill.

The piece remarks that the University had always been one of the pre-eminent institutions of higher learning in the South, save for five years after the Civil War when it was closed, but had risen to new prominence under the fifteen years of leadership by Dr. Graham, diminutive, 59 years old, Scotch Presbyterian, temperate, liberal, bachelor until age 45.

"As an undergraduate at Chapel Hill he was a rugged little St. George, who led pious forays against the roughnecks whose doxie plied their trade in Chapel Hill graveyard." Nevertheless, he was elected student body president twice. He obtained his master's degree in history at Columbia and then joined the Marines in 1917, returned to U.N.C. in 1921 as a full professor of history.

The University was wanting for funding and Dr. Graham was assigned the task by Chancellor Harry Chase to solicit money. He returned from a statewide trip with 5.5 million dollars in donations. In the process, he learned much of his state and its needs, giving impetus to his lifelong dedication to improvement of the state's labor laws.

When he was approached by the Board of Trustees in 1930 to become president of the institution, he initially declined, but was eventually talked into accepting by one of his old Marine buddies.

In 1936, the Board had demanded the termination of Professor Franklin Carl Erickson for having eaten dinner in Durham with the Communist candidate for the vice-presidency, James Ford, a black man. Dr. Graham refused, saying that he would leave before he would fire a man for eating dinner with another human being.

He had attracted such men to the faculty as nationally prominent professor of sociology Howard Odum, mathematician and biographer Archibald Henderson, and playwright Paul Green. He had aided the establishment of the Institute of Government by the law school's professor Albert Coates, improved the Playmakers and the Drama Department so that it rivaled that of Yale and Carnegie Tech, developed an outstanding university press, and encouraged the founding of Dr. Odum's Institute for Research in Social Science.

He had lost his fight, however, to clean up college football across the country, to free it from the vagaries of payments to athletes.

Duke had a larger endowment than the University, which had four million dollars and an annual million-dollar State appropriation. But Dr. Graham worked hard to effect cooperation with Duke, sharing instructors and facilities, with the Duke campus but twelve miles away in Durham.

When the Board of Trustees had complained about Dr. Graham spending too much time with his duties on the War Labor Board during the war and demanded that he make the choice of remaining on the WLB or returning full time to his duties as president of the University, a poll taken among students showed 95 percent support for Dr. Graham. After some intervention by the Roosevelt Administration, a compromise had been effected.

All being true, his foresight and dedication would not afford the school the ability in 2012 to stop a final touchdown drive by Duke to win 33-30 in the first game to be played between the two schools in October since 1938, that being the first time since 1926 when, with Duke bearing its former Randolph County name of Trinity College prior to 1925, the schools met more usually in October in the rare season when they met at all.

In 1962 on October 20, the opponent was South Carolina, defeated in Chapel Hill 19-14. Duke won that year in Chapel Hill 16-14, the reverse of the score the sad following year in Durham, the game delayed from Saturday until Thanksgiving Day, won in the closing minute by a 42-yard field goal of Max Chapman, which, as we have previously related, we witnessed, and, for its poignance, shall never forget.

For a generation accustomed to saturation coverage of major news stories for days, or sometimes even weeks on end since the advent of 24-hour news channels, it should be noted that, in 1963, regular network programming resumed on Tuesday, November 26, following four days of unprecedented cancellation of all regular programming on the three networks at the time, NBC, CBS, and ABC. Ordinary network news coverage lasted but thirty minutes per day, plus occasional updates through the day of five-minutes duration each, and the Sunday press programs. Whether that situation, insofar as the Kennedy assassination, the resumption of life in relatively normal fashion on Tuesday, while all of normal sensibilities still realized that things were dramatically changed, was a proper reaction of the society or a callous reaction, can only be gauged perhaps by examination of how a family reacts when it suddenly loses a family member tragically and unexpectedly. The tendency is to want to forget the tragedy and move on after paying proper respects. At that time, in 1963, with the sole assassin apparently caught and dead, there was little else the country felt it could do except to follow the advice of its new President and go forward.

And, indeed, even in retrospect, there is little else the country could do, especially in tense times of Cold War. The country could not afford the luxury of prolonged grief. Had there been the sort of prolix coverage of the story which occurs today with far less momentous stories, whether the country would have been better served is debatable. It could have led to such an overstatement of the tragedy as to have turned the enormity of the crime into something of a farce by overexposure and magnification.

But psychologically, the question remains whether the country was afforded a proper opportunity to grieve at the time for the loss of its young leader. On that point, it is probably the case that a void was left unfilled, perhaps one, however, not capable of being filled, no matter the time afforded for grief. There was, we posit, great wisdom in Lyndon Johnson's leadership at the time, even if seeming, in certain lights, insensitive.

An editorial culled from the Lexington Dispatch gives praise to the editorial staff of the News and its contributions to the world of letters, finds the early work of new Associate Editor Harry Ashmore, assuming the reins from Burke Davis, to be first rate, says that Editor J. E. Dowd had indicated that Mr. Ashmore would handle most of the editorial writing as he would provide mainly oversight—the way things had always generally worked under Mr. Dowd.

It finds the News to be an excellent example of a newspaper, judged by its own writing talent.

A letter writer, as mentioned in the column, discusses the unrelenting and indomitable discussion of the atom "gone fission", presumably for a chain reaction of the long pull.

Marquis Childs reports of the testimony during the week of Dr. J. Robert Oppenheimer to a Senate subcommittee chaired by Senator Harley Kilgore of West Virginia, anent the atom bomb and the impossibility of keeping the secret from the scientific community for long.

Said Dr. Oppenheimer: "You cannot keep atoms secret. They exist in every country."

He told the Senators that there could never be effective counter-measures to the atomic bomb. There was no method by which detonation could be effected in advance of the drop, and shooting them down during descent was all but impossible.

He also informed that 40 million Americans could be killed in a single attack and that the bomb soon could be adapted to the V-2 rocket, affording travel at supersonic speeds to intended targets.

He pointed out that British scientists had recently stated that if America insisted on secrecy, Britain would have no choice but to build its own atomic bomb factory. The British had a clause in its treaty with Russia which required sharing of all military and technical information.

Mr. Childs finds the attitude of non-sharing of the secret intolerable, that Dr. Oppenheimer's recommendation that the secret be shared with the Soviets should at least be considered, in exchange for turning the secret over to an international commission to control its use. In that event, even if the Russians declined the offer, the United States would have taken the high road morally and be so perceived before the world. As it was, secrecy was freighted with sinister implications, severely complicating relations with Russia, as well with Britain.

Dr. Oppenheimer had stated that the atomic bomb had strengthened America's position on the world stage only for the short term, not for the long pull, as it would be unlikely that America would ever use the bomb offensively, whereas other nations, who would on their own develop the technology, might not be so well disposed.

Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas summarized the Los Alamos director's testimony by saying: "We have everything to gain, then, and nothing to lose by sharing the information we have. If we can learn that in the little time that is left, then we may still hope for a future."

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