Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the British were engaged in heavy fighting at La Byude, 2.5 miles north of Caen, while other forces four to six miles to the southwest seized high ground at Esquay. As the British widened their bridgehead across the Odon River, hand to hand fighting was ongoing on both sides of the river, as British sought camouflaged German forces. The Germans were reported to have thrown most of their 15th and 17th Armies into the fight, as Marshal Karl von Rundstedt was said now to be convinced that the Allies were going to concentrate their forces on Normandy.

A German fort a mile from Cherbourg, at Ile Peles, surrendered to the Americans. The only remaining German resistance around Cherbourg was coming from Cap De La Hague to the northwest of the port. The enemy was making its stand along the Vauville-Beaumont and Hague-Greville line on which were positioned 20 to 30 tanks and 3,000 troops with a pair of 280-mm. railway guns.

Unusually heavy German fighter activity was reported over France and Germany as 44 of 200 fighters were shot down.

A thousand American heavy bombers, supported by another thousand fighters, struck four aircraft manufacturing cities, Leipzig, Oschersleben, Aschersleben, and Hallersleben, and an oil refinery at Bohlsen in Germany.

The RAF attacked inbound V-1's and their launching facilities at Pas-de-Calais, at the expense of five planes. A force of about 500 RAF bombers struck in the region of Metz, near Verdun. Mosquitos hit Saarbrucken and an oil plant near Essen. The latter raids did not suffer loss.

On an inside page, American Lt. Lewis Powers describes first-hand the fighter chase for V-1's, or doodlebugs as the pilots preferred to dub them. He had found the duty enjoyable, determined the odd-looking planes to be something out of the 25th century, but, because they were so easy to overtake and shoot down, assessed their impact on the war to be negligible. "I think the doodlebug is just a foolish German gadget. It is nothing more than that. It certainly won’t change war at all."

In Italy, the Fifth Army moved forward another five miles along the Tyrrhenian coast, capturing Castagneto, 25 miles from the key port at Leghorn, and providing control of a lateral road previously linking the enemy coastal defense positions with the central sector. Inland, another column moved to within twelve miles of Siena. The French forces on the right wing of the Fifth Army front also made progress.

Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal announced that the final occupation of Saipan would enable a base to be established from which bombing raids could be conducted on the Philippines, the mainland of Japan, and the greater part of the Dutch East Indies.

Fighting continued in Saipan for Garapan, as the American forces rooted out the enemy house by house and street by street.

Another inside page, in addition to providing an on scene report chronicling the taking of Garapan, tells of a trap being laid by American and Australian forces, each converging on Wewak, to which the Japanese had retreated along the coast of British New Guinea during the April-May operations at Hollandia and beyond. Each force was now about 70 miles from Wewak, with the British having advanced 80 miles in four weeks, while the Americans had advanced about ten miles since the invasion of Aitape, April 23. At that time, it was believed about 60,000 Japanese had been bypassed, those who would have sought retreat to Wewak, but it was not known how many enemy troops were now present in the area.

The Fourteenth U.S. Air Force had abandoned Hengyang in China, as it had been surrounded by Japanese forces. The strategic city was said to be in flames. Its loss by the Chinese would represent their worst setback since 1938. The objective of the Japanese was to bisect China via control of the Canton-Hankow railway, cutting off supplies to the Allies between sectors. Hengyang was a vital point on this rail line.

The Japanese claimed that the base had been a primary staging ground for bombing raids by the Fourteenth Air Force. The Allied communique from General Stilwell tended to confirm that description. But the Japanese advice added that the base had been intended for use in striking Japan. That assessment, true or not, was now stale as the activation of air bases on Saipan and then Tinian would render obsolete the Chinese bases for purposes of striking the Japanese mainland. The June 15 raid on Yawata by the B-29 bombers had originated from Chengdu in China, not Hengyang.

Secretary of War Henry Stimson announced that American forces had suffered 251,158 casualties thus far in the war, not including the last week on Normandy. Notably, the total casualties were approaching those for World War I, 278,628, albeit incurred in 19 months of fighting, whereas the current figures spanned 31 months since Pearl Harbor. The Army had suffered 179,923 of these casualties, with 32,072 killed, 73,668 wounded, 37,766 missing, and 36,467 prisoners. Those figures did not include the casualties from France.

Of the total casualties, 55,206 had been killed, 35,104 from the Army, including those who died in France, and 20,102 from the Navy, Marines, and Coast Guard. The Navy casualties, 47,073, consisted of 20,102 dead, 13,202 wounded, 9,308 missing, and 4,461 prisoners. The Marine Corps had suffered 3,203 killed and 7,744 missing, wounded, or prisoners.

In Russia, the Red Army drove to within 37 miles of Minsk, as forces on the Smolensk road reached the upper Berezina River, north of Borisov. The position was close to where Napoleon made a crossing of the Berezina in his retreat from Moscow in November, 1812.

Governor Thomas Dewey at a press conference, following his Republican nomination for the presidency, gave his support to the Republican platform. He refused questions seeking the names of prospective members of his cabinet if elected and specifically rebuffed a question seeking to find out whether he would, by his statement of intent to surround himself with youthful leadership, replace the aging Secretary of State Cordell Hull.

As it would turn out, Secretary Hull, for some time ailing in health, would resign shortly after the election and Undersecretary Edward Stettinius would be named as his replacement.

The text of Governor Dewey's brief acceptance speech to the convention appears below.

On the editorial page, "Mr. Dewey" posits that, despite the lackluster convention, the Republicans nevertheless had selected a good team in Dewey and Bricker, both with an opportunity to set forth new directions for the country during the campaign. Inevitably, however, they were unlikely to succeed in generating much enthusiasm, given the political climate, attuned primarily to the war. Governor Dewey was admired for his crime-busting record in New York, for his management of the State as Governor, but many questions remained to be answered as to how he would conduct foreign policy. His querulous statement that the establishment of the peace following the war was not to be entrusted to "men, grown old and tired and quarrelsome in office" left a void of interpretation and the question whether, when explained with specificity, it would resonate with the American people at large.

The same tired old men, Churchill being eight years older than Roosevelt, only 62, had, after all, prosecuted the war thus far since Pearl Harbor with deft strategy, with the United States leading the way in expertly coordinated arms and supply production and delivery of the goods and personnel to the fronts through the perilous waters of the Atlantic and Pacific, clearing the way to enable the present invasion of France following the coordinated victories in North Africa, Sicily, and Southern Italy, as well as those in the Solomons, New Guinea, the Gilberts, Marshalls, and now the Marianas, all orchestrated by the President and his Administration, with only tepid and varying thanks due to Congress. The prospect that the 42-year old Tom Dewey could enter the scene as a knight on a white horse and instruct the process domestically or in foreign affairs any better was dubious on its face. And his promise was not to meddle in any manner in the prosecution of the war, to leave it entirely up to the military commanders, itself a dubious proposition when considered, essentially announcing an intent to abrogate his role as commander in chief, even tacitly criticizing the Administration for any "interference" with the military which might presently have been occurring.

The Governor's intended domestic policy was, at this point, nothing but hollow promises to bring to the country full employment after the war, without any instruction as to how he intended to go about it, criticizing FDR for it taking a war to get the country out of the doldrums economically--doldrums created by the laissez-faire policies of the three successive Republican administrations in office from 1921 to 1933.

"Invincibles" reports of the continued insistence by German fighting men taken prisoner in Normandy and elsewhere that Germany was the destined victor in the war, despite the intrusion of reality insisting daily to the contrary. Emblematic of this brainwashed optimism were leaflets thrown from a train coursing through Minnesota carrying German prisoners to a camp. The leaflets insisted that the robot bombs would soon be hitting U.S. soil and thus urged: "Quit the war before it is too late."

"Robert Rice" finds the North Carolina Senator, with only six months left in office, back up to his old tricks of alien-baiting. He was exercised about the establishment of a free port to shelter war refugees from Europe for the duration of the war without their having to meet immigration quotas. In accordance with the Grafton Plan, they would be segregated from the general population and not permitted to leave the area of the designated compound.

But Senator Reynolds insisted that, despite this expedient established to save thousands of lives of those fleeing the scourges of Nazism, the immigration laws were being violated and that the country would be overrun with Europeans threatening to mongrelize the pure bloodlines of the United States and bringing disease and shiftless ways to flood the nation with reliefers.

The only saving grace, concludes the piece, was that Senator Bob's remaining tenure was short.

"The Purge" comments on the underground in Italy seeing to it that the Fascists were rooted out and eliminated from positions in the government. Lt. Col. Charles Poletti, the Allied Military Government commanding officer, was facilitating their efforts.

Many of the citizens of Italy were taking matters into their own hands and ferreting out the Fascists to exact their own private punishment, the memories of two decades of oppression being still fresh.

"Last Word" reprints a letter from President Roosevelt directed to the editors of the Daily Tar Heel at the University of North Carolina, in response to a letter they had written to the President regarding the controversy surrounding Dr. Frank Porter Graham, president of the University, dividing his time between his duties with the University and those as a member of the War Labor Board. The President's response, praising Dr. Graham's service to the country and insisting on the need for his continued efforts in his capacity on the Board, vital for its role in averting and settling labor strikes, appeared to have put to rest the dissention arising from the University's Board of Trustees, having sought to provide Dr. Graham an ultimatum either to resign the WLB or his position at the University.

Dorothy Thompson addresses the lack of spirit extant at the Republican convention, with its pre-scripted result, the nomination of Thomas Dewey. Dewey supporters were anything but enthusiastic for their chosen candidate. The excitement surrounding the 1940 selection of Wendell Willkie, electrifying the atmosphere of that convention, was noticeably absent this time around. Governor Dewey was no more than a practical choice, based entirely on polls showing that he was the only candidate in the field capable of defeating FDR.

Of the candidates, only Harold Stassen, absent from the convention for his service in the armed forces in the Pacific, appeared genuinely to inspire among his followers dedication to avowed principles. These Midwestern stalwarts were reluctant to meet the call to unite their votes with the majority and nominate Governor Dewey by acclamation. They wanted to voice their anti-Dewey sentiments. In the end, they would not, perhaps for the practical consideration to accommodate their asserted beliefs that former Governor Stassen would become the nominee in 1948.

Gloom and foreordained defeat seemed generally to hang as a pall in the air, with the press taking bets three to one that the President would win a fourth term.

Of all the groups at the convention, the one, according to Ms. Thompson, which had exhibited the most enthusiastic reception for any speaker were the dedicated followers of reactionary isolationist, America Firster, Gerald L. K. Smith, who spoke to his retinue at the Stevens Hotel.

All in all, she reports, it was a dull convention from the opening salvos when were sung the outdated songs, "I Want a Gal Just Like the Gal Who Married Dear Old Dad" and "There's a Long, Long Trail A-Winding into the Land of My Dreams".

Of course, as reported Monday, there were some others, at least one a little more hep, that is if you consider "Oklahoma" to be hep, even in 1944.

Special note to the 2012 Republicans: Now that several recording artists have pulled the plug on use of their music in your campaigns, perhaps you can find, without objection, a home with some of those selections chosen by your party for its entertainment in 1944, pretty much the songs of 1910. Yet, from what we read, even the songs of 1976 are being pulled from play on your tours. We suspect that there is good news in the passage of enough time, that the songs of 1910 are now in the public domain for the most part. We don't know what to tell you if you insist on sounds which are contemporary. Try some nihilistic heavy metal, maybe, or, better, change your collective views to comport with some date subsequent to 1910.

Or, even better than either, try some passion for a change, rather than trying alternatively to appeal to corporate America in Blue Serge Suits or the lowest common denominator in Blue Seersucker.

Samuel Grafton notes the same coolness pervading the atmosphere of the convention. Almost no one spoke about Thomas Dewey, only the number of votes he was to receive in the nominating tally. All opposition had been stifled successfully, with professional skill. But with it went any form of spirit or sense of unity, just hollow resignation to the fate of a pre-ordained candidate, one who had not even run for the position.

Marquis Childs, noting the same environment of the convention, focuses on the three principals who were responsible for engineering, in cold, professional style, the nomination of Governor Dewey. They were the New York State Republican chairman Edwin Jaeckle, the Nassau County political boss, J. Russell Sprague, and Herbert Brownell, Jr., campaign manager and subsequently Attorney General during President Eisenhower's first term, 1953 to 1957. The trio had swept into town the previous weekend, coolly announced that the matter was a foregone conclusion, that they were already preparing for November, and, with that kind of self-assurance, steam-rolled any opposing movement which might have brokered the convention.

The element which had sought to infiltrate and find a home within the penumbra of the Republican tent, the America Firsters, We the Mothers, and other such right wing, extremist groups, posed a most significant challenge for Governor Dewey, to distance his own views from those of such reactionaries, should he desire any support from the broad mass of American people, having thoroughly repudiated these fascists.

Drew Pearson indicates that Governor Dewey's team had come to town so confident of their candidate’s victory that they had already drawn up the schedule for the campaign through the summer and fall. He would reject the strategy followed by Wendell Willkie of touring the country, trying to meet the people, as being much too wearisome for his 42 years. Instead, he would provide from Albany six addresses, each outlining a topic of his intended policy stances on given issues. He would also appear in six selected cities in the larger states and pivotal states. But, as in his non-campaign thus far, he would proceed largely aloof from the people, remaining for much of the next three months in Albany.

William Green, head of C.I.O., was nonplussed at the treatment of labor by the Republican convention. He showed up at the meeting of the labor committee, only to find that its chair was a former vice-president of the National Association of Manufacturers, Senator Albert Hawkes of New Jersey. He stated upon emerging that 80 percent of labor would back FDR.

Perhaps demonstrating how boring the convention had been, Mr. Pearson finishes his column with a rather unspectacular view of domestic life at home with the family of 1936 Republican nominee Alf Landon.

It appears that everyone pretty much were in agreement that the convention was boring, the nominee uninspiring, and that the election in November would be a lead pipe cinch for President Roosevelt.

Hal Boyle relates of the first adventures at sea by a nineteen-year old merchant seaman nicknamed "Sweet Pea". Sweet Pea told Mr. Boyle of the various trials and tribulations during his first ten days at sea as the ship delivered supplies to the front. Between the hazing by the veteran seamen and the vagaries of the sea, he had endured a memorable voyage.

Dr. Herbert Spaugh, as if scripting in bold letters the contrast in styles between Thomas Dewey and President Roosevelt, follows up on a story he had begun the day before on a bridge keeper at Georgetown, S.C., near the estate of Bernard Baruch. The bridge keeper had five sons in service, three of whom were triplets who had throughout their young lives done everything together. Thus, they were upset that the military had split one from their number and transported him to a distant camp. The bridge keeper wrote the President expecting little. The President wrote him a return letter personally, assuring that the Secretary of War would shortly act to reunite his sons. The reunion then, in quick order, took place.

Not only that, when the President visited Mr. Baruch at Hobcaw during April for his rest, he took the time to summon the bridge keeper for a personal chat and then an afternoon of fishing.

In another personal touch, relates Dr. Spaugh, the President was motoring from Myrtle Beach back to Georgetown and noticed a small group of five bystanders congregated along the road, a family and two soldiers. He approached in his open touring car, seated beside the driver. The car slowed, the President returned the salute of the soldiers, gave the "V" sign, smiled, said "Hello", and the car drove on. There were no cameras or reporters, just this small clutch of people on a quiet country road. No one in the group expected the President to acknowledge them but he had.

Meanwhile, the newspapers reported that the young, snappy Thomas Dewey, the Man on the Wedding Cake, would conduct his campaign primarily from upstate New York. Wonder why FDR won his fourth term, with overwhelming support in the disgruntled South. Even the conservative preacher who wrote for the newspaper was unabashedly for FDR on the very days Governor Dewey was nominated.

When presented with two New Yorkers, one they knew, open and friendly, and the other they didn't know, appearing supercilious and aloof, the choice would not be a difficult one to make, especially for Southerners.

Scene before the bridge on the Waccamaw River in South Carolina, July 1, 1944:

--Halt. What is your name?

--Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

--What is your occupation?

--President, United States, 11 years, going on 12.

--What is your destination?

--Myrtle Beach.

--What is the main rail line between Georgia and the District of Columbia?

--Why, that's easy, my good man. Travel it all the time. The Southern.

--Very well. You may pass.

--Halt. What is your name?

--Thomas Edmund Dewey.

--What is your occupation?

--Governor, State of New York, 18 months, going on two years.

--What is your destination?

--1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D.C.

--What is the differential in speed between the Tamiami Northbound and the Tamiami Southbound at the time they collided at Rennert, North Carolina, on December 16, 1943?

--Why, that's easy. The Southbound was standing still. The Northbound was traveling at an estimated rate of 85 miles per hour, decelerating just before the collision. So the differential is 85 miles per hour, give or take the amount of deceleration.

--What is the name of the rail line to which the President's Fair Employment Practices Committee, that which you contend you will continue when president, was primarily responding when it issued its order in December to provide equality between the races in hiring and promotion of engineers, conductors, and firemen?

--What? I imagine that to be the Rock Island Line, or the Southern, with all other railroads included in the directive.

--What is on second?

--What?

--What is on third?

--No. I don't know. Perhaps, the prohibition of quartering troops in peacetime. That's just a joke.

--What is catching?

--Oh, how childish you are. No. No. No. Today. And Fish.

--Who is pitching to you?

--No. To-Morrow. --No, wait, Herb Brownell...and D. D. Eisenhower. --Wohhhh!

--The Gate Keeper knows all. The correct answer was Milhous, whose name you will come to know in due course, and it shall reside with you for as long as the Republic may endure, as long as the Water Race which I guard may turn, as long as the Bridge which I Keep may Draw, and as long as its brick moorings are True and on the Level. Those who pass here best know their lessons, and those not known, study well to know better, lest the Flood inundate you and the Fire consume you, and your progeny.

--What is the pitch of Milhous?

The acceptance speech of Thomas Dewey, delivered the previous evening of June 28, was as follows:

Mr. Chairman and fellow Americans:

I am profoundly moved by the trust you have placed in me. I deeply feel the responsibility which goes with your nomination for President of the United States at this grave hour of our nation's history.

That I have not sought this responsibility, all of you know. I told the people of my State, two years ago, that it was my intention to devote my full term as governor exclusively to their service. You have decided other-wise. In accordance with the principles of our republican form of government you have laid upon me the highest duty to which an American can be called. No one has a right to refuse such a call. With the help of God, I will try to be worthy of the trust. I accept the nomination.

I am happy and proud to be associated with my good friend from the State of Ohio, John W. Bricker. For many months, John Bricker has gone from state to state telling the people of the issues, of the great need for better government, for the sound principles of government, and the leader-ship which will come to it with a Republican victory this year. Never before have I seen such good sportsmenship as that displayed by John Bricker here this morning and I am proud to be associated with him.

I come to this great task a free man. I have made no pledges, promises or commitments, expressed or implied, to any man or woman. I shall make none, except to the American people.

These pledges I do make:

To men and women of the Republican Party everywhere I pledge my utmost efforts in the months ahead. In return, I ask for your support. Without it, I cannot discharge the heavy obligation you lay upon me.

To Americans of every party I pledge that on Jan. 20 next year our government will again have a cabinet of the ablest men and women to be found in America. The members of that Cabinet will expect and will receive full delegation of the powers of their office. They will be capable of administering those powers. They will each be experienced in the task to be done and young enough to do it. This election will bring an end to one-man government in America.

To Americans of every party I pledge a campaign dedicated to one and above all others—that this nation under God may continue in the years ahead a free nation of free men.

At this moment on battlegrounds around the world Americans are dying for the freedom of our country. Their comrades are pressing on in the face of hardship and suffering. They are pressing on for total victory and for the liberties of all of us.

Everything we say or do today and in the future must be devoted to the single purpose of that victory. Then, when victory is won, we must devote ourselves with equal unity of purpose to re-winning at home the freedom they have won at such desperate cost abroad.

To our allies let us send from this convention one message from our hearts: The American people are united with you to the limit of our resources and manpower, devoted to the single task of victory and the establishment of a firm and lasting peace.

To every member of the axis powers, let us send this message from this Convention: By this political campaign, which you are unable to understand, our will to victory will be strengthened, and with every day you further delay surrender the consequences to you will be more severe.

That we shall win this war none of us and few of our enemies can now have any doubt. But how we win this war is of major importance for the years ahead. We won the last war but it didn't stay won. This time we must also win the purposes for which we are fighting. Germany must never again nourish the delusion that she could have won. We must carry to Japan a defeat so crushing and complete that every last man among them knows that he has been beaten. We must not merely defeat the armies and the navies of our enemies. We must defeat, once and for all, their will to make war. In their hearts as well as with their lips, let them be taught to say: "Never again."

The military conduct of the war is outside this campaign. It is and must remain completely out of politics. General Marshall and Admiral King are doing a superb job. Thank God for both of them. Let me make it crystal clear that a change of administration next January cannot and will not involve any change in the military conduct of the war. If there is not now any civilian interference with the military and naval commands, a change in administration will not alter this status. If there is civilian interference, the new administration will put a stop to it forthwith.

But the war is being fought on the home front as well as abroad, while all of us are deeply proud of the military conduct of the war, can we honestly say that the home front could not bear improvement? The present administration in Washington has been in office for more than 11 years. Today, it is at war with Congress, and at war with itself. Squabbles between Cabinet members, feuds between rival bureaucrats and bitterness between the President and his own party members, in and out of Congress, have become the order of the day. In the vital matters of taxation, price control, rationing, labor relations, manpower, we have become familiar with the spectacle of wrangling, bungling and confusion.

Does anyone suggest that the present national administration is giving either efficient or competent government? We have not heard that claim made, even by its most fanatical supporters. No, all they tell us is that in its young days it did some good things. That we freely grant. But now it has grown old in office. It has become tired and quarrelsome. It seems that the great men who founded this nation really did know what they were talking about when they said that three terms were too many.

When we have won the war, we shall still have to win the peace. We are agreed, all of us, that America will participate with other sovereign nations in a cooperative effort to prevent future wars. Let us face up boldly to the magnitude of that task. We shall not make secure the peace of the world by mere words. We can't do it simply by drawing up a fine-sounding treaty. It can not be the work of any one man or of a little group of rulers who meet together in private conferences. The structure of peace must be built. It must be the work of many men. We must have as our representatives in this task the ablest men and women America can pro-duce, and the structure they join in building must rest upon the solid rock of a united American public opinion.

I am not one of those who despair of achieving that end. I am utterly confident we can do it. For years, we have had men in Washington who were notoriously weak in certain branches of arithmetic but they specialized in division. They've been playing up minor differences of opinion among our people until the people of other countries might have thought that America was cleft in two.

But all the while there was a larger, growing area of agreement. Recently the overwhelming majesty of that broad area of agreement has become obvious. The Republican Party can take pride in helping to define it and broaden it. There are only a few, a very few, who really believe that America should try to remain aloof from the world. There are only a relatively few who believe it would be practical for America or her allies to renounce all sovereignty and join a Super-state. I certainly would not deny these two extremes the right to their opinions; but I stand firmly with the overwhelming majority of my fellow citizens in that great wide area of agreement. That agreement was clearly expressed by the Republican Mackinac Declaration and was adopted in the foreign policy plank of this Convention.

No organization for peace will last if it is slipped through by stealth or trickery or the momentary hypnotism of high-sounding phrases. We shall have to work and pray and be patient and make sacrifices to achieve a really lasting peace. That is not too much to ask in the name of those who have died for the future of our country. This is no task for men who specialize in dividing our people. It is no task to be entrusted to stubborn men, grown old and tired and quarrelsome in office. We learned that in 1919.

The building of the peace is more than a matter of international co-operation. God has endowed America with such blessings as to fit her for a great role in the world. We can only play that role if we are strong and healthy and vigorous as nature has equipped us to be. It would be a tragedy if after this war Americans returned from our armed forces and failed to find the freedom and opportunity for which they fought. This must be a land where every man and woman has a fair chance to work and get ahead. Never again must free Americans face the spectre of long-continued, mass unemployment. We Republicans are agreed that full employment shall be a first objective of national policy. And by full employment I mean a real chance for every man and woman to earn a decent living.

What hope does the present administration offer here? In 1940, the year before this country entered the war, there were still 10,000,000 unemployed. After seven years of unequalled power and unparalleled spending, the New Deal had failed utterly to solve that problem. It never solved that problem. It was left to be solved by war. Do we have to have a war to get jobs?

What are we now offered? Only the dreary prospect of a continued war economy after the war, with interference piled on interference and petty tyrannies rivaling the very regimentation against which we are now at war.

The present administration has never solved this fundamental problem of jobs and opportunity. It can never solve this problem. It has never even understood what makes a job. It has never been for full production. It has lived in chattering fear of abundance. It has specialized in curtailment and restriction. It has been consistently hostile to and abusive of American business and American industry, although it is in business and industry that most of us make our living.

In all the record of the past 11 years is there anything that suggests the present administration can bring about high-level employment after this war? Is there any reason to believe that those who have so signally failed in the past can succeed in the future? The problem of jobs will not be easily solved; but it will never be solved at all unless we get a new, progressive administration in Washington—and that means a Republican administration.

For one hundred and fifty years America was the hope of the world. Here on this great broad continent we had brought into being something for which men had longed throughout all history. Here, all men were held to be free and equal. Here, government derived its just powers from the consent of the governed. Here men believed passionately in freedom, independence—the God-given right of the individual to be his own master. Yet, with all of this freedom—I insist—because of this freedom—ours was a land of plenty. In a fashion unequalled anywhere else in the world, America grew and strengthened; our standard of living became the envy of the world. In all lands, men and women looked toward America as the pattern of what they, themselves, desired. And because we were what we were, good will flowed toward us from all corners of the earth. An American was welcomed everywhere and looked upon with admiration and regard.

At times, we had our troubles; made our share of mistakes; but we faltered only to go forward with renewed vigor. It remained for the past eleven years, under the present national administration, for continuing unemployment to be accepted with resignation as the inevitable condition of a nation past its prime.

It is the New Deal which tells us that America has lost its capacity to grow. We shall never build a better world by listening to those counsels of defeat. Is America old and worn out as the New Dealers tell us? Look to the beaches of Normandy for the answer. Look to the reaches of the wide Pacific—to the corners of the world where American men are fighting. Look to the marvels of production in the war plants in our own cities and towns. I say to you: our country is just fighting its way through to new horizons. The future of America has no limit.

True, we now pass through dark and troubled times, scarcely a home escapes the touch of dread anxiety and grief; yet in this hour the American spirit rises, faith returns—faith in our God, faith in our fellowman, faith in the land our fathers died to win, faith in the future, limitless and bright, of this, our country.

In the name of that faith we shall carry our cause in the coming months to the American people.